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Now with a new and up-to-date Introduction by the author, the bestselling account of the effect of American global policies, hailed as "brilliant and iconoclastic" (Los Angeles Times)
The term "blowback," invented by the CIA, refers to the unintended results of American actions abroad. In this incisive and controversial book, Chalmers Johnson lays out in vivid detail the dangers faced by our overextended empire, which insists on projecting its military power to every corner of the earth and using American capital and markets to force global economic integration on its own terms. From a case of rape by U.S. servicemen in Okinawa to our role in Asia's financial crisis, from our early support for Saddam Hussein to our conduct in the Balkans, Johnson reveals the ways in which our misguided policies are planting the seeds of future disaster.
In a new edition that addresses recent international events from September 11 to the war in Iraq, this now classic book remains as prescient and powerful as ever.
- Sales Rank: #212126 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Holt Paperbacks
- Published on: 2004-01-04
- Released on: 2004-01-04
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.19" h x .83" w x 5.56" l, .60 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 268 pages
- importance of blowback in US foreign policy
Review
“Blowback is expansive thinking . . . a straight-talking analysis of America's global conduct during the Cold War and since, and what we're going to pay for it.” ―The Nation
“Johnson is on to something . . . It is indeed a new post–Cold War ballgame, and Johnson's warning, if it were heeded in Washington, would help keep America safe from the temptation of untrammeled power.” ―Newsday
About the Author
Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is a frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times and The Nation. Author of the forthcoming The Sorrows of Empire, and numerous books on Japan and Asia, including MITI and the Japanese Miracle and Japan: Who Governs?, he lives in southern California.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
1
BLOWBACK
Northern Italian communities had, for years, complained about lowflying American military aircraft. In February 1998, the inevitable happened. A Marine Corps EA-6B Prowler with a crew of four, one of scores of advanced American jet fighters and bombers stationed at places like Aviano, Cervia, Brindisi, and Sigonella, sliced through a ski-lift cable near the resort town of Cavalese and plunged twenty people riding in a single gondola to their deaths on the snowy slopes several hundred feet below. Although marine pilots are required to maintain an altitude of at least one thousand feet (two thousand, according to the Italian government), the plane had cut the cable at a height of 360 feet. It was traveling at 621 miles per hour when 517 miles per hour was considered the upper limit. The pilot had been performing low-level acrobatics while his copilot took pictures on videotape (which he later destroyed).
In response to outrage in Italy and calls for vigorous prosecution of those responsible, the marine pilots argued that their charts were inaccurate, that their altimeter had not worked, and that they had not consulted U.S. Air Force units permanently based in the area about local hazards. A court-martial held not in Italy but in Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, exonerated everyone involved, calling it a “training accident.” Soon after, President Bill Clinton apologized and promised financial compensation to the victims, but on May 14, 1999, Congress dropped the provision for aid to the families because of opposition in the House of Representatives and from the Pentagon.1
This was hardly the only such incident in which American service personnel victimized foreign civilians in the post–Cold War world. From Germany and Turkey to Okinawa and South Korea, similar incidents have been common—as has been their usual denouement. The United States government never holds politicians or higher-ranking military officers responsible and seldom finds that more should be done beyond offering pro forma apologies and perhaps financial compensation of some, often minimal sort.
On rare occasions, as with the Italian cable cutting, when such a local tragedy rises to the level of global news, what often seems strangest to Americans is the level of national outrage elsewhere over what the U.S. media portray as, at worst, an apparently isolated incident, however tragic to those involved. Certainly, the one subject beyond discussion at such moments is the fact that, a decade after the end of the Cold War, hundreds of thousands of American troops, supplied with the world’s most advanced weaponry, sometimes including nuclear arms, are stationed on over sixty-one base complexes in nineteen countries worldwide, using the Department of Defense’s narrowest definition of a “major installation”; if one included every kind of installation that houses representatives of the American military, the number would rise to over eight hundred.2 There are, of course, no Italian air bases on American soil. Such a thought would be ridiculous. Nor, for that matter, are there German, Indonesian, Russian, Greek, or Japanese troops stationed on Italian soil. Italy is, moreover, a close ally of the United States, and no conceivable enemy nation endangers its shores.
All this is almost too obvious to state—and so is almost never said. It is simply not a matter for discussion, much less of debate in the land of the last imperial power. Perhaps similar thinking is second nature to any imperium. Perhaps the Romans did not find it strange to have their troops in Gaul, nor the British in South Africa. But what is unspoken is no less real, nor does it lack consequences just because it is not part of any ongoing domestic discussion.
I believe it is past time for such a discussion to begin, for Americans to consider why we have created an empire—a word from which we shy away—and what the consequences of our imperial stance may be for the rest of the world and for ourselves. Not so long ago, the way we garrisoned the world could be discussed far more openly and comfortably because the explanation seemed to lie at hand—in the very existence of the Soviet Union and of communism. Had the Italian disaster occurred two decades earlier, it would have seemed no less a tragedy, but many Americans would have argued that, given the Cold War, such incidents were an unavoidable cost of protecting democracies like Italy against the menace of Soviet totalitarianism. With the disappearance of any military threat faintly comparable to that posed by the former Soviet Union, such “costs” have become easily avoidable. American military forces could have been withdrawn from Italy, as well as from other foreign bases, long ago. That they were not and that Washington instead is doing everything in its considerable powers to perpetuate Cold War structures, even without the Cold War’s justification, places such overseas deployments in a new light. They have become striking evidence, for those who care to look, of an imperial project that the Cold War obscured. The byproducts of this project are likely to build up reservoirs of resentment against all Americans—tourists, students, and businessmen, as well as members of the armed forces—that can have lethal results.
For any empire, including an unacknowledged one, there is a kind of balance sheet that builds up over time. Military crimes, accidents, and atrocities make up only one category on the debit side of the balance sheet that the United States has been accumulating, especially since the Cold War ended. To take an example of quite a different kind of debit, consider South Korea, a longtime ally. On Christmas Eve 1997, it declared itself financially bankrupt and put its economy under the guidance of the International Monetary Fund, which is basically an institutional surrogate of the United States government. Most Americans were surprised by the economic disasters that overtook Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia in 1997 and that then spread around the world, crippling the Russian and Brazilian economies. They could hardly imagine that the U.S. government might have had a hand in causing them, even though various American pundits and economists expressed open delight in these disasters, which threw millions of people, who had previously had hopes of achieving economic prosperity and security, into the most abysmal poverty. At worst, Americans took the economic meltdown of places like Indonesia and Brazil to mean that beneficial American-supported policies of “globalization” were working—that we were effectively helping restructure various economies around the world so that they would look and work more like ours.
Above all, the economic crisis of 1997 was taken as evidence that our main doctrinal competitors—the high-growth capitalist economies of East Asia—were hardly either as competitive or as successful as they imagined. In a New Year’s commentary, the columnist Charles Krauthammer mused, “Our success is the success of the American capitalist model, which lies closer to the free market vision of Adam Smith than any other. Much closer, certainly, than Asia’s paternalistic crony capitalism that so seduced critics of the American system during Asia’s now-burst bubble.”3
As the global crisis deepened, the thing our government most seemed to fear was that contracts to buy our weapons might now not be honored. That winter, Secretary of Defense William Cohen made special trips to Jakarta, Bangkok, and Seoul to cajole the governments of those countries to use increasingly scarce foreign exchange funds to pay for the American fighter jets, missiles, warships, and other hardware the Pentagon had sold them before the economic collapse. He also stopped in Tokyo to urge on a worried Japanese government a big sale not yet agreed to. He wanted Japan to invest in the theater missile defense system, or TMD, antimissile missiles that the Pentagon has been trying to get the Japanese to buy for a decade. No one knew then or knows now whether the TMD will even work—in fifteen years of intercept attempts only a few missiles in essentially doctored tests have hit their targets—but it is unquestionably expensive, and arms sales, both domestic and foreign, have become one of the Pentagon’s most important missions.
I believe the profligate waste of our resources on irrelevant weapons systems and the Asian economic meltdown, as well as the continuous trail of military “accidents” and of terrorist attacks on American installations and embassies, are all portents of a twenty-first-century crisis in America’s informal empire, an empire based on the projection of military power to every corner of the world and on the use of American capital and markets to force global economic integration on our terms, at whatever costs to others. To predict the future is an undertaking no thoughtful person would rush to embrace. What form our imperial crisis is likely to take years or even decades from now is, of course, impossible to know. But history indicates that, sooner or later, empires do reach such moments, and it seems reasonable to assume that we will not miraculously escape that fate.
What we have freed ourselves of, however, is any genuine consciousness of how we might look to others on this globe. Most Americans are probably unaware of how Washington exercises its global hegemony, since so much of this activity takes place either in relative secrecy or under comforting rubrics. Many may, as a start, find it hard to believe that our place in the world even adds up to an empire. But only when we come to see our country as both profiting from and trapped within the structures of an empire of its own making will it be possible for us to explain many elements of the world that otherwise perplex us. Without good explanations, we cannot possibly produce policies that will bring us sustained peace and prosperity in a post–Cold War world. What has gone wrong in Japan after half a century ...
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Reaping what we sow....
By Robert Yutzy
Chalmers Johnson is one of those "experts" - you know, the guys who know nearly everything and can explain it to you so that you know, too. They're not much in demand these days - people just make stuff up now, based on how they "feel". If you like thinking better than feeling, buy this book. Johnson illuminates the unfortunate consequences of the worst excesses of our foreign policy over recent decades.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Why they hate us!
By William F Harrison
Chalmers Johnson has written an important book which will most unfortunately be little read. The last three books I have read are Blowback, Taliban by Ahmad Rashed, and Terror in the mind of God by Jeurgensmeyer. But for long years before this I have read books like The Otherside of the River and Red Star over China by Edgar Snow, A History of Vietnam by ???, Fire in the Lake, Dispatches, plus The Pentagon Papers and dozens of other informative and prescient works. Perhaps one of the best was The Poisonwood Bible. But Johnson's work brings together many of the loose ends that large numbers of Americans must have been dimmly aware of for the past 50 plus years. Like Johnson, I was in the navy on an LST for almost three years of the four years I was in, just a little later than Johnson's tour, Jan 1955 to Jan, 1959. And like Johnson, I was devoutly patriotic for all of those years, and I believed that our government was perhaps the most altruistic intitution ever concieved by man. (Indeed, I believe that it could still be were it not for the inattention and civic laziness of most of our citizens.) It was not until I read The Pentagon Papers in about 1974 or '75 that I realized that I could not depend solely on the daily newspaper and TV's accessment and reporting of the days events to inform me of what I should be aware of as an American citizen, responsible for the actions and inactions of my government. I pray that Johnson's book gets the readership it deserves, however, I am not terribly optimistic that this will be the case. (...)(I just read this for the first time since I submitted it. Unfortunately, the "editors" of this feature have seen fit to remove the meat of my comments about the book from this review, pretty much gutting it. I appologize to those of you who thought you were going to get a review of the book when you read this. 6/24/02 wfh)
2 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
American policy undermines autonomy abroad, Liberty at home.
By Mark B. Campanelli
This book offers a concise interpretation of American policy in the Far East (i.e. Japan, the Koreas, Indonesia, etc.), concentrating on the post WWII Cold War era and, more recently, and perhaps more importantly, the post Cold War era we are now in. The author discusses both military and economic methods of a profligate American Empire. Indeed, the two appear inexorably intertwined. Even if you're an American, and really don't worry much about non-Americans abroad, this book argues that America's past and current policies are bound to continue to backfire on American interests abroad and American families at home.
I am a Libertarian, and at times I found Johnson leaning a bit far to the left, but not to the point where he lets his philosophy entirely reverse-skew the situation (as perhaps people like Noam Chomsky do).
This book may lead a reader to wonder how the American Public could be so in the dark about how they've been acting around the world. Since reading the chapter on S. Korea, I have already read one news report about the S. Korean intelligence service that completely failed to mention U.S. duplicity involved in the service's history, duplicity which is exposed in this book. A parallel look into the American media certainly bears investigation, but is not covered in this book. In order to understand the knowledge-gap at home I would also suggest combining this book with John Taylor Gatto's Dumbing Us Down and his Underground History of American Education as well as Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong by James W. Loewen.
Perhaps by tying together the knowledge-gap at home with imperialist policy abroad do I think Americans can begin to reclaim Liberty at home from the bottom up, while not making the rest of the world less autonomous. I found Johnson's book to be useful in this endeavor.
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