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"Impressive . . . a powerful indictment of U.S. military and foreign policy."
-Los Angeles Times Book Review, front page
In the years after the Soviet Union imploded, the United States was described first as the globe's "lone superpower," then as a "reluctant sheriff," next as the "indispensable nation," and in the wake of 9/11, as a "New Rome." In this important national bestseller, Chalmers Johnson thoroughly explores the new militarism that is transforming America and compelling us to pick up the burden of empire.
Recalling the classic warnings against militarism-from George Washington's Farewell Address to Dwight Eisenhower's denunciation of the military-industrial complex-Johnson uncovers its roots deep in our past. Turning to the present, he maps America's expanding empire of military bases and the vast web of services that support them. He offers a vivid look at the new caste of professional militarists who have infiltrated multiple branches of government, who classify as "secret" everything they do, and for whom the manipulation of the military budget is of vital interest.
Among Johnson's provocative conclusions is that American militarism is already putting an end to the age of globalization and bankrupting the United States, even as it creates the conditions for a new century of virulent blowback. The Sorrows of Empire suggests that the former American republic has already crossed its Rubicon-with the Pentagon in the lead.
- Sales Rank: #117098 in Books
- Published on: 2005-01-06
- Released on: 2004-12-23
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .89" w x 5.50" l, .80 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 400 pages
Amazon.com Review
Since September 2001, the United States has "undergone a transformation from republic to empire that may well prove irreversible," writes Chalmers Johnson. Unlike past global powers, however, America has built an empire of bases rather than colonies, creating in the process a government that is obsessed with maintaining absolute military dominance over the world, Johnson claims. The Department of Defense currently lists 725 official U.S. military bases outside of the country and 969 within the 50 states (not to mention numerous secret bases). According to the author, these bases are proof that the "United States prefers to deal with other nations through the use or threat of force rather than negotiations, commerce, or cultural interaction." This rise of American militarism, along with the corresponding layers of bureaucracy and secrecy that are created to circumvent scrutiny, signals a shift in power from the populace to the Pentagon: "A revolution would be required to bring the Pentagon back under democratic control," he writes.
In Sorrows of Empire, Johnson discusses the roots of American militarism, the rise and extent of the military-industrial complex, and the close ties between arms industry executives and high-level politicians. He also looks closely at how the military has extended the boundaries of what constitutes national security in order to centralize intelligence agencies under their control and how statesmen have been replaced by career soldiers on the front lines of foreign policy--a shift that naturally increases the frequency with which we go to war.
Though his conclusions are sure to be controversial, Johnson is a skilled and experienced historian who backs up his claims with copious research and persuasive arguments. His important book adds much to a debate about the realities and direction of U.S. influence in the world. --Shawn Carkonen
From Publishers Weekly
In his prescient 2000 bestseller, Blowback, East Asia scholar Johnson predicted dire consequences for a U.S. foreign policy that had run roughshod over Asia. Now he joins a chorus of Bush critics in this provocative, detailed tour of what he sees as America's entrenched culture of militarism, its "private army" of special forces and its worldwide archipelago of military "colonies." According to Johnson, before a mute public and Congress, oil and arms barons have displaced the State Department, secretly creating "a military juggernaut intent on world domination" and are exercising "preemptive intervention" for "oil, Israel, and... to fulfill our self-perceived destiny as a New Rome." Johnson admits that Bill Clinton, who disguised his policies as globalization, was a "much more effective imperialist," but most of the book assails "the boy emperor" Bush and his cronies with one of the most startling and engrossing accounts of exotic defense capabilities, operations and spending in print, though these assertions are not new and not always assiduously sourced. Fans of Blowback will be pleased despite Johnson's lack of remedies other than "a revolution" in which "the people could retake control of Congress... and cut off the supply of money to the Pentagon."
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
Americans worrying about Islamic terrorists should start worrying about their own Pentagonized government. So argues political-scientist Johnson in warning his fellow citizens that their own country's militarism--imperialistic abroad, secretive at home-- threatens their peace, their prosperity, and their freedom far more than does al-Qaeda. Johnson indicts the idealistic Democrat Woodrow Wilson for having first sent the U.S. military on a global crusade for democracy, American style. And he criticizes presidents of both parties for having supported an unnecessarily aggressive and far-flung cold war military buildup in the fight against communism. But he blames the current political crisis chiefly on recent Republican presidents (Reagan and the two Bushes), whom he accuses of having first misinterpreted the internal collapse of the Soviet Union as an American triumph and then claimed the entire world as victors' spoils. As an avowed leftist, Johnson exposes himself to charges of bias--and of geopolitical naivete. Certainly, it will chafe some readers when Johnson partially shifts the blame for the terrorist attacks against the U.S. to America's own arrogant militarists. But irritated readers can hardly dismiss Johnson as just another partisan ideologue when he buttresses his critique with Republican Dwight Eisenhower's cautionary analysis of the "military-industrial complex" and even echoes the long-ignored isolationism of Old Right traditionalists. A provocative summons to the task of reining in a runaway military. Bryce Christensen
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Most helpful customer reviews
48 of 49 people found the following review helpful.
The Sorrows of Empire or The Empire of Sorrow
By Thomas Fleenor
In The Sorrows of Empire Chalmers Johnson has compiled and constructed a brilliant analysis of United States military policy and its history, as well as evolution, of imperialistic tendencies. The book presents an overwhelming amount of superbly done research as well as an incredible array of statistical information to buttress the arguments that Johnson wishes to promulgate. Most importantly, Johnson is providing an increasingly unaware world population, especially and most-importantly that of the American contingent, with information and analysis that is being progressively more and more silenced by mass media conglomerations and the U.S. Government's Orwellian methods of knowledge distribution and censorship.
Johnson starts his book off with a very thorough examination of the history of U.S. foreign policy, roots of imperialism, and an illumination behind much of the motivation for classic shifts in the direction of the U.S. methods of international engagement. I found this section of the book to be one of the more interesting, because it provided me with some foundational understanding for some of the current direction of U.S. policy. Because most American students and laypeople's understanding of U.S. history regarding the military and foreign policy is antiseptically produced by major U.S. publishing companies, information that Johnson elucidates in The Sorrows of Empire is as vitally important to an educated public as it is unsettling to the average persons' consciousness.
Branching out from his discussion of history, Johnson moves on to discuss the sheer numbers involved regarding the U.S. military hegemony. Unfortunately, as much as these chapters of the book are extremely important to a full understanding of U.S. militarism, I found that the sections are so full of facts and statistical information that they began to read like VCR manuals. However, in wading through the numbers, estimates, pricings, and projections, I've found that not only did I not know how pervasive the military establishment was, but that the world is essentially dotted and monitored by an unfortunate web of U.S. military concrete and steel.
I was perhaps most impressed by the fact that Johnson did not stop at the exposing of the military establishment at home and abroad, but rather he continues to discuss the terrible inequality and hardship that has come as a result of current neoliberal tendencies in the form of domestic and international economic free-market fundamentalist policy design. Johnson goes on to discuss how the U.S.' hypocritical non-market funding and deployment of the military regime cooperates with the self-benefiting establishment and execution of institutions such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund to provide for world-wide economic hegemony of the ruling Capitalist economic states. While, this may not be the way he describes it, at its fundamental level this is the contradictory relationship the U.S. and its "allies" in exploitation have chosen as the most effective route to strip-mining the Third World.
The Sorrows of Empire in its final pages appeals to the American people to attempt to at the very least be mindful of the reality with which it has presented throughout the previous analyses. Unfortunately, Johnson does not provide much in the way of useful suggestion to create positive global social change and eradicate the massive military establishment, but he does warn that it may soon be too late, if it is not already, to redirect the course of the United States away from that of all previous empires. Johnson warns the American public against the possibilities of casting the die and crossing the Rubicon, and we should all be listening.
41 of 42 people found the following review helpful.
The Collapse of the US Empire
By J.W.K
Author Chalmers Johnson became an intellectual superstar after his last book, Blowback (2000), predicted the horrors of 9-11. With this book, Johnson traces the origins of the US Empire, first as a by-and-large economic empire (via the World Bank and WTO), and now as a military empire, under neoconservative leadership. Scarier than the neoconservative agenda, though, has been the bipartisan acceptance of a growing, secretive military-industrial complex (MIC), with it's "black budgets" and lack of accountability and public oversight. Johnson traces the history of the MIC all the way to the present, showing how it expanded in the post-cold-war era to become a de facto "empire of bases", ruling the world through unilateral gunboat diplomacy. For those Americans who have enjoyed the benefits of global economic and military hegemony, life seemed good until 9-11. Now, it seems rather insecure, to say the least. And, according to Johnson, the road ahead is only going to get bumpier, as our foreign policy increases global insecurity, both social and economic, as well as the threat of terrorism. The argument Johnson weaves together is highly cogent and well-researched. Most remarkable for a book of such leaning, he only utilizes the most rigorously conservative sources. A powerful, necessary read for anyone concerned about the fate of the nation. For further reading, I suggest A People's History of the U.S., by Howard Zinn.
j.w.k.
36 of 38 people found the following review helpful.
Things I Never Knew and Am Sorry I Did
By Constant Weeder
This book is a shocker. I thought I was pretty savvy on American history and politics, and economics too, but...the logic of the author's argument is irrefutable. We are spending ourselves blind on military weaponry and bases (in 153 countries), constantly expanding our "defensive" (read offensive) capacity, and blindly letting the Bush gang destroy our Constitution. We are allowing lies and disinformation make us cynical about government. We are looking for war. We teach state terrorism to foreigners. We violate treaties. We provoke attack. We oppress friendly nations. We are installing puppet governments. We have private armies. The war profiteers, linked to government, continue to fatten on the sales of arms. The WTO and IMF, which operate out of Washington DC are crippling Third World countries, dumping on them, restricting their development, controlling their governments, favoring dictatorships, bankrupting them in the name of "globalization." The media in our own country is controlled. Our Congress is ineffectual. Secret courts allow civil rights violations to go unchecked. We have bases that are secret, listening posts that are secret, government budgets that are secret. Next we'll have secret satellites designed to destroy other countries' satellites.
It isn't all about oil and it isn't all about terrorism. It's about American imperialism and an out of control military. We are attempting to control all of Central Asia. We dominate space. Empires survive by aggression and expansion before they crumble and fall. America is an empire. I'm convinced that this author has got it right, and it's scary as anything I've ever read.
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