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The Supreme Court: The Personalities and Rivalries That Defined America, by Jeffrey Rosen, Thirteen/WNET

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"Superbly well written . . . a wonderfully informative guide to the Supreme Court both past and present."―David J. Garrow, American History

Jeffrey Rosen recounts the history of the Supreme Court through the personal and philosophical rivalries that have transformed the law―and by extension, our lives. With studies of four crucial conflicts―Chief Justice John Marshall and President Thomas Jefferson; post–Civil War justices John Marshall Harlan and Oliver Wendell Holmes; liberal icons Hugo Black and William O. Douglas; and conservative stalwarts William H. Rehnquist and Antonin Scalia―Rosen brings vividly to life the perennial rivalry between those justices guided by strong ideology and those who cared more about the court as an institution, forging coalitions and adjusting to new realities. He ends with a revealing conversation with Chief Justice John Roberts, who is attempting to change the court in unexpected ways. The stakes, he shows, are nothing less than the future of American jurisprudence.

• Sales Rank: #98536 in Books
• Published on: 2007-12-26
• Released on: 2007-12-26
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 8.00" h x .65" w x 5.25" l, .54 pounds
• Binding: Paperback
• 288 pages

From Publishers Weekly
In his second book this year (after The Most Democratic Branch), Rosen examines how temperament and personal style shape decision making at the U.S. Supreme Court. The author, a law professor and legal affairs editor at the New Republic, profiles four pairs of contrasting personalities: President Thomas Jefferson and Chief Justice John Marshall; Justices Oliver Wendell Holmes and John Marshall Harlan; Justices William O. Douglas and Hugo Black; and finally Justice Antonin Scalia and Chief Justice William Rehnquist. Jefferson, Holmes, Douglas and Scalia are Rosen's exemplars of judicially counterproductive temperaments: they are ideologues, too invested in promoting the purity of their ideas to exert long-term influence on constitutional law. Far more persuasive for Rosen are Marshall, Harlan, Black and Rehnquist, distinguished by collegiality, willingness to compromise and subordinate their own agendas to the prestige of the Court. Most of the book consists of anecdotes about these eight judges, along with summaries of their most celebrated decisions and brief but perceptive explanations of their judicial philosophies. All this is entertaining, although it dilutes the book's stated focus on judicial temperament. Considering today's Court, Rosen believes Chief Justice Roberts will display a successful talent for consensus-building. As Rosen is well aware, a lot rides on the accuracy of this prediction. (Jan.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

About the Author

Jeffrey Rosen is a professor of law at George Washington University and the legal affairs editor of The New Republic. He is the author of The Most Democratic Branch, The Naked Crowd, and The Unwanted Gaze. His articles have appeared in many publications, including The New York Times Magazine, The Atlantic Monthly, and The New Yorker. He is a frequent contributor to National Public Radio and lives in Washington, D.C.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Introduction

On April 8, 1952, to prevent an imminent steelworkers’ strike that he thought would cut off the flow of guns to U.S. troops in the middle of the Korean War, President Harry S. Truman decided to use his authority as commander in chief to seize the nation’s steel mills. His decision would provoke more criticism than any other in his presidency. But Truman had been emboldened to act in part because of confidential advice from Chief Justice Fred Vinson, whom Truman had appointed to the Supreme Court in 1946. When Truman informed Vinson in advance of his intention to seize the steel mills, the chief justice assured his friend the president that the seizure would be legal under his executive powers and that a majority of the Court would support it. Vinson’s advice turned out to be wrong. In June, two months after the president issued his executive order, the Supreme Court declared in Youngstown Sheet & Tube v. Sawyer that Truman had acted unconstitutionally. Writing for a 6–3 majority, Justice Hugo Black declared that the Constitution gives Congress, not the president, the power to make laws, and Congress had refused to authorize this heavy-handed approach to settling labor disputes. Black read his opinion for the Court from the bench. "Even though ‘theater of war’ be an expanding concept," he drawled in his calm and deliberate southern accent, "we cannot with faithfulness to our constitutional system hold that the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces has the ultimate power as such to take possession of private property in order to keep labor disputes from stopping production." Although an ardent Democrat as well as a former senator, Black revered the institution of the Supreme Court as something larger than the individual justices who composed it, and masterfully persuaded a majority of his colleagues to enforce the limits that the Constitution places on the president’s power. Vinson filed a sputtering dissent insisting that any president worthy of the office should be free to take emergency measures necessary to ensure the "survival of the nation." Truman was understandably livid at his rebuke by a Court that had been appointed entirely by him or by his Democratic predecessor, Franklin D. Roosevelt. But Black soon made amends by inviting the aggrieved president and the entire Court over to his house in Alexandria, Virginia, for bourbon and a barbecue. As the canapés were passed around, the mollified Truman declared, "Hugo, I don’t much care for your law, but, by golly, this bourbon is good."1

Fifty-four years later, a similar drama unfolded at the Supreme Court. President George W. Bush, seeking to protect the nation after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, issued an executive order creating special military commissions to try suspected enemy combatants who were being held at Guantánamo Bay. His decision, combined with other assertions of unilateral presidential power to authorize something close to torture or indefinite detention of suspected terrorists, provoked more criticism than any other in his presidency. Bush had been emboldened to act in part because his legal advisers had assured him that unilateral action would be upheld as constitutional under his powers as commander in chief, and also, perhaps, because the chief justice he had recently appointed, John G. Roberts, Jr., had sustained Bush’s action as an appellate judge. When the Supreme Court heard the case in 2006, Roberts properly recused himself because of his earlier participation in the case, but Bush still had reason for optimism: seven of the nine justices were Republican appointees, including an associate justice appointed by Bush, Samuel A. Alito. In Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, however, by a vote of 5–3, the Supreme Court held that the president’s military commissions were illegal. In his opinion for the Court, Justice John Paul Stevens emphasized that the president could create military commissions only with congressional support, and Congress had refused to give Bush the power to create the military commissions at issue in the case. In an emotional dissenting opinion, which he read aloud from the bench (only the second time he has done so in his fifteen years on the Court), Justice Clarence Thomas declared that the majority had endangered the nation by "sorely hamper[ing] the President’s ability to confront and defeat a new and deadly enemy." Thomas, like Vinson, insisted that the president’s inherent authority as commander in chief was broad enough to allow him to act unilaterally in times of war.

The impassioned performances by two justices—Black in 1952, Thomas in 2006—open a window onto the Supreme Court. In many respects, the similarities between Black and Thomas are striking. Both were appointed young to the Court by a president who relished the opportunity to put a stick in the eye of his congressional opponents. Black, a southern white liberal, was Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first appointment after his bitter defeat over expanding the Court’s membership in 1937; Thomas, a southern black conservative, was George H. W. Bush’s choice to replace the civil rights icon Thurgood Marshall in 1991. Both had been on the Court for exactly fifteen years when these cases about presidential power in wartime came before them—long enough to accustom themselves to the Court’s peculiar rituals and to find their jurisprudential voices. And both men considered themselves strict constructionists and constitutional fundamentalists who refused to enforce rights that did not appear explicitly in the Constitution and believed that the constitutional text should be construed in light of the original understanding of its framers and ratifiers.

Despite these similarities in background and judicial philosophy, Black and Thomas differed in one crucial respect: judicial temperament. Black revered the institution of the Court so passionately that when he proposed marriage to his secretary, Elizabeth (six years after the death of his first wife), he made a little speech about how he had been having a love affair with the Court for almost twenty years, and therefore she had to be, like Caesar’s wife, above reproach: "I have to know that the woman I marry is a one-man woman," he declared.2 This reverence led him to moderate or to rein in his strict constructionist ideology when he thought the good of the Court and the country required it. As a result, he became one of the most influential justices of his era, redefining large areas of American law in his own image. Thomas, by contrast, is an ideological purist, more interested in being philosophically consistent than in persuading colleagues to embrace his vision. He is so zealous in his devotion to carrying every principle to its logical conclusion that his ideological ally Justice Antonin Scalia told Thomas’s biographer that Thomas would overturn any judicial precedent with which he disagreed, whereas he, Scalia, wouldn’t do that.3 Thomas is underrated as a constitutional lawyer in the popular imagination: his Hamdan opinion, like much of his work, was exhaustively researched, and his colleagues have praised his technical ability in complicated regulatory cases. But because Thomas approaches the law as an essentially academic enterprise, he is content, after fifteen years on the Court, to marginalize himself in lonely dissenting opinions, without any immediate prospect of winning majorities. Even if Thomas had the option of ruling against the president and then inviting him over for drinks in the interest of the Court—a form of interbranch socializing that is no longer thinkable in a post-Watergate age—it seems unlikely he would have the inclination to do so.

The diff

Most helpful customer reviews

59 of 63 people found the following review helpful.
A Helpful Introduction to Supreme Court History
By Ronald H. Clark
This is the "companion" volume to the recent PBS series on the Court, but it is very different from that program. The author, Jeffrey Rosen, is a Professor of Law at George Washington University here in Washington, although he also writes for "The New Republic" and other prominent magazines such as "The Atlantic." Rather than exclusively focusing on case development, as the PBS series pretty much does, Rosen rather concentrates on developing a focus on the "temperament" of various Justices (and President Jefferson) and how their temperamental outlooks and characteristics affected the activities of the Court. The book is built around four chapters, each of which juxtaposes two individuals, who Rosen argues had substantially different temperaments: Marshall and Jefferson; Harlan I and Holmes; Black and Douglas; and Rehnquist and Scalia.

Rosen's focus on temperament is both helpful and, on occasion, a problem. It is helpful because it reminds us of a fact too often overlooked when reading Supreme Court history: for all their lofty status, the Court is still a small group of strong-minded individuals with healthy egos who have contrasting goals and persuasive techniques, but remain fundamentally just humans with all their frailties. So, they can lose their tempers, get alienated, lash out, suffer emotional hurt, and so forth just like the rest of us. Just as in his previous book, "The Most Democratic Branch" (also reviewed on Amazon), Rosen is extremely skillful in explaining legal concepts and Court holdings in such a way as to make them easily understood by the general reader. The problem with his approach is that he must juxtapose individuals to make it work, and I found myself disagreeing to a certain extent with his portrayals of certain folks (Holmes, especially, Jefferson somewhat less so, and William O. Douglas a bit), which seemed strained in order to give some zip to his discussion. Conversely, I found him too sanguine in evaluating others, such as Rehnquist and even Black to a certain extent. But these are issues that can be argued incessantly.

One of the most valuable sections of the book is the conclusion, which is largely devoted to a fascinating interview of Chief Justice Roberts after his first year heading the Court. At 258 pages, including notes, the text moves alone nicely, and only on occasion does Rosen get too immersed in detailed legal analysis as to cause difficulties for the general reader. I found the Rehnquist-Scalia and the Black-Douglas chapters to be the best--but this is not to slam the other two chapters. There are some great illustrations and helpful notes, but no bibliography. A good, solid treatment for the general reader.

18 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
The real Justice League of America
By mrliteral
It's one of the fundamental principles of the U.S. Constitution that the three branches of government are more-or-less equal, with checks and balances assuring that no branch takes over. The reality, of course, is different: at times - particularly in the 1800s - the Congress was the more powerful branch, while at other times -especially recently - the Presidency has taken the reins. The judicial branch, however, has always been in third place; although it makes a difference at times, it rarely is more visible than its "coequals". Nonetheless, there are times that the judicial branch - and in particular, the Supreme Court - has assumed a critical role in history.

Jeffrey Rosen's The Supreme Court is not so much a history of the institution as a study as to how certain personalities affected the Court. He focuses on four such rivalries that dictated not only the direction of the Court but also the direction of the country. The first rivalry (and the only one featuring a non-Court figure) is Thomas Jefferson and John Marshall. These two embodies the two principal political philosophies of the early United States: Republicanism and Federalism. Unlike previous Chief Justices, Marshall really defined the Court and made it an important part of the government, most notably with the Marbury v. Madison decision. Since Marshall differed with Jefferson on many issues, this set the two branches at odds with one another.

The next rivalry is John Marshall Harlan and Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., a pairing that is probably the most obscure to the modern reader. Holmes, with his nickname "The Great Dissenter" earned a reputation based on his dissents in some free speech cases, but often had much less sympathetic rulings, such as his opposition to civil rights and his support of eugenics. Harlan, on the other hand, was more forward-thinking, and notably dissented on Plessy v. Ferguson, the Court decision that - after Dred Scott - is probably the darkest mark on the institution's history.

The third section deals with Hugo Black and William Douglas. Unlike the previous pairings, these two were politically of a similar bent, but they still had different judicial philosophies, with Black being the sounder reasoner and Douglas being somewhat more free-wheeling. Douglas's presidential ambitions, which never really amounted to much, also affected his decision-making. Similarly, the fourth section deals with two Justices with similar politics yet different philosophies: William Rehnquist and Antonin Scalia. While Rehnquist would often try for consensus, Scalia is more absolute in his beliefs and doesn't really seem to care who he rankles.

In each pairing, Rosen casts one person as hero (Marshall, Harlan, Black and Rehnquist) and one as villain (Jefferson, Holmes, Douglas and Scalia). Of course, things are not really that simple and Rosen recognizes flaws in the heroes and virtues in the villains; perhaps it is better not to use the heroes-and-villains analogy at all, but it is clear Rosen favors one in each rivalry. This has less to do with politics than with technique: Rosen favors Justices who can promote harmony within the Court and can create rulings with real potency to them. Rulings that go 5-4 are not nearly as strong as those decided unanimously, and are more likely to be eventually reversed.

In the final section, Rosen offers an early analysis of new Chief Justice John Roberts, one that is generally positive. Roberts, Rosen believes, seems to have learned from the better Chief Justices (a group in which Rosen would include Marshall, Warren and Rehnquist) as to how to run the Supreme Court. Rosen's writing is insightful, clear and reasonably objective (in the sense that he doesn't seem to favor either the political right or left). This book is a good, alternative way at looking at the history and structure of the Supreme Court.

19 of 21 people found the following review helpful.
Good History - Not Enough Catch
By S.T
For a look into some of the most well known figures in the Supreme Court, this book does a fantastic job. From in-depth analysis of their personalities to little anecdotes on each Justice, the Author clearly knows his history.

It's a tad short, and I think the specific cases could have been covered in greater detail. While it was informative, it didn't have that something special that had me anxious to keep reading. At times, I felt like I was reading a history book.

If you're someone looking to get some background into the Supreme Court and some of the characters that shaped it, this is a good book to start with. You may not feel completely entertained, but you will feel smarter after reading this book.

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? PDF Ebook Wildly Romantic: The English Romantic Poets: The Mad, the Bad, and the Dangerous, by Catherine M. Andronik

PDF Ebook Wildly Romantic: The English Romantic Poets: The Mad, the Bad, and the Dangerous, by Catherine M. Andronik

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Meet the rebellious young poets who brought about a literary revolution

Rock stars may think they invented sex, drugs, and rock and roll, but the Romantic poets truly created the mold.
In the early 1800s, poetry could land a person in jail. Those who tried to change the world through their poems risked notoriety--or courted it. Among the most subversive were a group of young writers known as the Romantics: Lord Byron, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Samuel Taylor Cole-ridge, William Wordsworth, and John Keats. These rebels believed poetry should express strong feelings in ordinary language, and their words changed literature forever.
Wildly Romantic is a smart, sexy, and fascinating look at these original bad boys--and girls.

• Sales Rank: #269059 in Books
• Brand: Brand: Henry Holt and Co. (BYR)
• Published on: 2007-04-17
• Released on: 2007-03-29
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.66" h x 1.09" w x 5.94" l, 1.02 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 272 pages

Features

• Used Book in Good Condition

From School Library Journal
Grade 9 Up—Andronik captures the English Romantic poets in all of their scandalous glory. Their notoriously reckless lives, from opium addictions and affairs to quirky obsessions and incest, have long been the stuff of literary legend, but seldom have they been rendered so accessible to teens. In the opening pages, for instance, the poets are set against the backdrop of a push in Europe for equality for the lower classes. This social movement is, in turn, likened to teenage rebellion: "What teenager doesn't want to be free and equal to authority?" The author accomplishes a difficult feat; she pulls readers into the soap opera-esque lives of the writers while skillfully weaving in discussion of the literary tradition and the historical context in which they operated. Each extensively researched chapter begins with narrative focusing on one individual and concludes with several poems, an arrangement that lends itself to contextual analysis. By the book's end, the crisscrossed lives and influences of these figures have been tied tightly together to provide an introduction to their world. Wildly Romantic is a "must have" for high school collections in need of high-interest titles on this period in English literature.—Jill Heritage Maza, Greenwich High School, CT
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist
This is not your usual YA literary biography. Weaving together the lives of the groundbreaking Romantic poets--Wordsworth, Coleridge, Byron, Shelley, and Keats--Andronik talks about the revolution they brought to literature. She also describes their often flamboyantly radical lifestyles. Several were drug addicts, promiscuous, out of control. Byron had sex with boys and mistresses, even his half sister. Wordsworth, a passionate revolutionary in his youth, became ultraconservative and believed women should stay home. The open writing style makes reading easy; in fact, sometimes the text gets too chirpy, with contemporary colloquialisms about the upscale, carousing bunch and comparisons to "Hollywood's Star Trail." Best is the casual way Andronik weaves in the many classic poems at the end of each chapter. The rebels' controlled, exquisite lines will speak to teens about the lyrical use of everyday language. Hazel Rochman
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Review
"The open writing style makes reading easy. . . best is the casual way Andronik weaves in the many classic poems at the end of each chapter. The rebels' controlled, exquisite lines will speak to teens about the lyrical use of everyday language."
--Booklist "Andronik captures the English Romantic poets in all of their scandalous glory. . . . a must-have for high school collections in need of high-interest titles on this period in English literature."
--School Library Journal
 

Most helpful customer reviews

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Filled with information
By Jeri Lyn Flowers
Illustrations:
Portraits of each poet contained in this resource are printed in black and white accompanying each biographical sketch. Occasionally, there is an image of a large, gray plume, presumably from a pen, filling a page between chapters.

Layout of type:
This is a single column layout. The font is simple and well spaced for easy reading. The poems are titled with a contrasting font in all capital letters. The index uses italics to denote pages that have illustrations of the indexed subject.

Chapters:
Introduction
Wordsworth
Esteesi
Lyrical balladeers
A life in ruins
Baby Byron
Young Shelley
Mary Godwin
Byronic entanglements
Byron and Shelley and the girls
Keats
Dead babies
Dead poets
Lives touched
End of an era
Chapter notes
Sources
For further reading and viewing
Index of poems
Index

Features:
The biographies of some of the romance poets are contained in this book, but there is an abundance of additional information about the time period and the relationships of the poets presented. There are two indexes; one of the poems, and one organized alphabetically by subjects.

Assessment:
This is a dependable resource that can be read as one might read a novel, straight through, or used as a reference book.

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
This is how you get kids to like poetry
By Meaghan
This is the perfect book to get middle- and high-schoolers interested in 18th- and 19th-century poetry. (And let's face it, they're not going to get hooked on it of their own accord.) The scandalous details will reel 'em in and make the poets much more memorable than otherwise.

It's long been my opinion that people, especially students, are better off knowing the follies of the heroes of history (like the fact that Ben Franklin was a raging sex fiend, for example) -- not to demonize the aforementioned heroes or demean their accomplishments, but simply to make them more human.

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
So interesting...
By Old EnglishMajor
well...at least for English majors. This is a well presented history of the Romantic Era poets. It is entertaining as well as informative. I'm not sure how historically accurate it is, but it appears to have been well researched. The poets certainly had their "soap opera" moments, and that aspect of their lives is well documented. Also the literary jealousies, ambitions, and personal failures of the writers are presented in an interesting and informative fashion. All in all, it's a "good read" and one that will both inform and entertain.

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** Free Ebook Through the Language Glass: Why the World Looks Different in Other Languages, by Guy Deutscher

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A masterpiece of linguistics scholarship, at once erudite and entertaining, confronts the thorny question of how―and whether―culture shapes language and language, culture

Linguistics has long shied away from claiming any link between a language and the culture of its speakers: too much simplistic (even bigoted) chatter about the romance of Italian and the goose-stepping orderliness of German has made serious thinkers wary of the entire subject. But now, acclaimed linguist Guy Deutscher has dared to reopen the issue. Can culture influence language―and vice versa? Can different languages lead their speakers to different thoughts? Could our experience of the world depend on whether our language has a word for "blue"?

Challenging the consensus that the fundaments of language are hard-wired in our genes and thus universal, Deutscher argues that the answer to all these questions is―yes. In thrilling fashion, he takes us from Homer to Darwin, from Yale to the Amazon, from how to name the rainbow to why Russian water―a "she"―becomes a "he" once you dip a tea bag into her, demonstrating that language does in fact reflect culture in ways that are anything but trivial. Audacious, delightful, and field-changing, Through the Language Glass is a classic of intellectual discovery.

• Sales Rank: #821195 in Books
• Brand: Brand: Metropolitan Books
• Published on: 2010-08-31
• Released on: 2010-08-31
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.54" h x 1.28" w x 6.42" l, 1.24 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 320 pages

Features

• Used Book in Good Condition

Review

“Fascinating reading.… Deutscher does not merely weave little-known facts into an absorbing story. He also takes account of the vast changes in our perceptions of other races and cultures over the past two centuries.” ―Derek Bickerton, The New York Times Book Review

“An informative, pleasurable read… A gifted writer, Deutscher picks his way nimbly past overblown arguments to a sensible compromise.” ―Amanda Katz, The Boston Globe

“A thrilling and challenging ride.” ―Christopher Schoppa, The Washington Post

“Brilliantly surveys the differences words and grammar make between cultures.” ―Carlin Romano, The Chronicle of Higher Education

“A most entertaining book, easy to read but packed with fascinating detail.” ―Michael Quinion, World Wide Words

“Through The Language Glass is so robustly researched and wonderfully told that it is hard to put down... Deutscher brings together more than a century's worth of captivating characters, incidents, and experiments that illuminate the relationship between words and mind... He makes a convincing case for the influence of language on thought, and in doing so he reveals as much about the way color words shape our perception as about the way that scientific dogma and fashion can blind us.” ―Christine Kenneally, New Scientist

“Entertainingly written and thought-provoking… Deutscher has a talent for making scientific history read like an engrossing adventure… I recommend this intelligent and engaging book to anyone seeking an introduction to the relationship between language, thought, and culture.” ―Margery Lucas, PsycCritiques

“This fabulously interesting book describes an area of intellectual history replete with brilliant leaps of intuition and crazy dead-ends. Guy Deutscher, who combines enthusiasm with scholarly pugnacity, is a vigorous and engaging guide to it… A remarkably rich, provocative, and intelligent work.” ―Sam Leith, The Sunday Times (UK)

“A brilliant account of linguistic research over two centuries… As befits a book about language, this inspiring amalgam of cultural history and science is beautifully written.” ―Clive Cookson, Financial Times (UK)

“A delight to read.” ―Christopher Howse, The Spectator (UK)

“Fascinating and well written… Deutscher's scholarly and eloquent prose made the book an enjoyable read and I learnt lots of great anecdotes along the way.” ―Alex Bellos, The Guardian (UK)

“Deutscher writes as clearly and engagingly as can be… Will this study of language make you giddy? Oh, absolutely.” ―Craig Brown, The Mail on Sunday (UK)

“Jaw-droppingly wonderful… A marvelous and surprising book. The ironic, playful tone at the beginning gradates into something serious that is never pompous, something intellectually and historically complex and yet always pellucidly laid out. It left me breathless and dizzy with delight.” ―Stephen Fry, presenter of Stephen Fry in America, host of QI, and author of Moab Is My Washpot

“At once highly readable and thoroughly learned... Here is an important and original new history of the struggle to understand how language, culture, and thought are connected.” ―Joan Bybee, Distinguished Professor of Linguistics, University of New Mexico

About the Author

Guy Deutscher is the author of The Unfolding of Language. Formerly a fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and of the Department of Ancient Near Eastern Languages at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands, he is an honorary research fellow at the School of Languages, Linguistics and Cultures at the University of Manchester. He lives in Oxford, England.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

PROLOGUE

Language, Culture, and Thought

"There are four tongues worthy of the world's use," says the Talmud: "Greek for song, Latin for war, Syriac for lamentation, and Hebrew for ordinary speech." Other authorities have been no less decided in their judgment on what different languages are good for. The Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, king of Spain, archduke of Austria, and master of several Europe an tongues, professed to speaking "Spanish to God, Italian to women, French to men, and German to my horse."

A nation's language, so we are often told, reflects its culture, psyche, and modes of thought. Peoples in tropical climes are so laid-back it's no wonder they let most of their consonants fall by the wayside. And one need only compare the mellow sounds of Portuguese with the harshness of Spanish to understand the quintessential difference between these two neighboring cultures. The grammar of some languages is simply not logical enough to express complex ideas. German, on the other hand, is an ideal vehicle for formulating the most precise philosophical profundities, as it is a particularly orderly language, which is why the Germans have such orderly minds. (But can one not hear the goose step in its gauche, humorless sounds?) Some languages don't even have a future tense, so their speakers naturally have no grasp of the future. The Babylonians would have been hard-pressed to understand Crime and Punishment, because their language used one and the same word to describe both of these concepts. The craggy fjords are audible in the precipitous intonation of Norwegian, and you can hear the dark l's of Russian in Tchaikovsky's lugubrious tunes. French is not only a Romance language but the language of romance par excellence. English is an adaptable, even promiscuous language, and Italian—ah, Italian!

Many a dinner table conversation is embellished by such vignettes, for few subjects lend themselves more readily to disquisition than the character of different languages and their speakers. And yet should these lofty observations be carried away from the conviviality of the dining room to the chill of the study, they would quickly collapse like a soufflé of airy anecdote— at best amusing and meaningless, at worst bigoted and absurd. Most foreigners cannot hear the difference between rugged Norwegian and the endless plains of Swedish. The industrious Protestant Danes have dropped more consonants onto their icy windswept soil than any indolent tropical tribe. And if Germans do have systematic minds, this is just as likely to be because their exceedingly erratic mother tongue has exhausted their brains' capacity to cope with any further irregularity. English speakers can hold lengthy conversations about forthcoming events wholly in the present tense (I'm flying to Vancouver next week . . . ) without any detectable loosening in their grip on the concepts of futurity. No language—not even that of the most "primitive" tribes—is inherently unsuitable for expressing the most complex ideas. Any shortcomings in a language's ability to philosophize simply boil down to the lack of some specialized abstract vocabulary and perhaps a few syntactic constructions, but these can easily be borrowed, just as all Europe an languages pinched their verbal philosophical tool kit from Latin, which in turn lifted it wholesale from Greek. If speakers of any tribal tongue were so minded, they could easily do the same today, and it would be eminently possible to deliberate in Zulu about the respective merits of empiricism and rationalism or to hold forth about existentialist phenomenology in West Greenlandic.

If musings on nations and languages were merely aired over aperitifs, they could be indulged as harmless, if nonsensical, diversions. But as it happens, the subject has also exercised high and learned minds throughout the ages. Philosophers of all persuasions and nationalities have lined up to proclaim that each language reflects the qualities of the nation that speaks it. In the seventeenth century, the Englishman Francis Bacon explained that one can infer "significant marks of the genius and manners of people and nations from their languages." "Everything confirms," agreed the Frenchman étienne de Condillac a century later, "that each language expresses the character of the people who speak it." His younger contemporary, the German Johann Gottfried Herder, concurred that "the intellect and the character of every nation are stamped in its language." Industrious nations, he said, "have an abundance of moods in their verbs, while more refined nations have a large amount of nouns that have been exalted to abstract notions." In short, "the genius of a nation is nowhere better revealed than in the physiognomy of its speech." The American Ralph Waldo Emerson summed it all up in 1844: "We infer the spirit of the nation in great measure from the language, which is a sort of monument to which each forcible individual in a course of many hundred years has contributed a stone."

The only problem with this impressive international unanimity is that it breaks down as soon as thinkers move on from the general principles to reflect on the particular qualities (or otherwise) of particular languages, and about what these linguistic qualities can tell about the qualities (or otherwise) of particular nations. In 1889, Emerson's words were assigned as an essay topic to the seventeen-year-old Bertrand Russell, when he was at a crammer in London preparing for the scholarship entrance exam to Trinity College, Cambridge. Russell responded with these pearls: "We may study the character of a people by the ideas which its language best expresses. French, for instance, contains such words as 'spirituel,' or 'l'esprit,' which in English can scarcely be expressed at all; whence we naturally draw the inference, which may be confirmed by actual observation, that the French have more 'esprit,' and are more 'spirituel' than the English."

Cicero, on the other hand, drew exactly the opposite inference from the lack of a word in a language. In his De oratore of 55 bc, he embarked on a lengthy sermon about the lack of a Greek equivalent for the Latin word ineptus (meaning "impertinent" or "tactless"). Russell would have concluded that the Greeks had such impeccable manners that they simply did not need a word to describe a nonexistent flaw. Not so Cicero: for him, the absence of the word was a proof that the fault was so widespread among the Greeks that they didn't even notice it.

The language of the Romans was itself not always immune to censure. Some twelve centuries after Cicero, Dante Alighieri surveyed the dialects of Italy in his De vulgari eloquentia and declared that "what the Romans speak is not so much a vernacular as a vile jargon . . . and this should come as no surprise, for they also stand out among all Italians for the ugliness of their manners and their outward appearance."

No one would dream of entertaining such sentiments about the French language, which is not only romantic and spirituel but also, of course, the paragon of logic and clarity. We have this on no lesser authority than the French themselves. In 1894, the distinguished critic Ferdinand Brunetière informed the members of the Académie française, on the occasion of his election to this illustrious institution, that French was "the most logical, the clearest, and the most transparent language that has ever been spoken by man." Brunetière, in turn, had this on the authority of a long line of savants, including Voltaire in the eighteenth century, who affirmed that the unique genius of the French language was its clearness and order. And Voltaire himself owed this insight to an astonishing discovery made a whole century earlier, in 1669, to be precise. The French grammarians of the seventeenth century had spent decades trying to understand why it was that French possessed clarity beyond all other languages in the world and why, as one member of the Académie put it, French was endowed with such clarity and precision that simply translating into it had the effect of a real commentary. In the end, after years of travail, it was Louis Le Laboureur who discovered in 1669 that the answer was simplicity itself. His painstaking grammatical researches revealed that, in contrast to speakers of other languages, "we French follow in all our utterances exactly the order of thought, which is the order of Nature." No wonder, then, that French can never be obscure. As the later thinker Antoine de Rivarol put it: "What is not clear may be English, Italian, Greek, or Latin" but "ce qui n'est pas clair n'est pas français."

Not all intellectuals of the world unite, however, in concurring with this analysis. Equally distinguished thinkers— strangely enough, mostly from outside France—have expressed different opinions. The renowned Danish linguist Otto Jespersen, for example, believed that English was superior to French in a whole range of attributes, including logic, for as opposed to French, English is a "methodical, energetic, business-like and sober language, that does not care much for finery and elegance, but does care for logical consistency." Jespersen concludes: "As the language is, so also is the nation."

Most helpful customer reviews

71 of 75 people found the following review helpful.
Kindle Users Beware!!
By West Sider
Overall this is an excellent and informative discussion of how language influences thought, and I enjoyed reading it. Unfortunately for Kindle readers, Mr. Deutscher dedicates a significant portion of the analysis to the words and perceptions of color. There are numerous references to colors in charts and diagrams that are undoubtedly easily viewed in the printed version of the book, but are either recreated in black and white or totally absent from the Kindle version. (The Kindle for Mac view does not compensate.) Had I known this, I would have refrained from buying the e-reader edition, and would have purchased the hard cover book instead. I assign an average rating of three stars as a blended evaluation; the text itself I would rate five stars; the Kindle version gets one.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Good book, fun, know what to expect and what not
By Dutiful son-in-law
Thus is a good book and a "good read", well written. Sometimes one is excited to get to a conclusion from a set of experiments. I am glad I read it. It is so that some of the reviews promised too much. Language clearly does influence how people think, but as explained iin subtle ways not yet fully understood. Some of the research is in early stages and awaits technical advances. The author is very realistic about this. So one will not fine dramatic stories of why diplomatic negotiations failed because the participants did not understand what the different languages meant. But one will learn why some cultures think differently about color or spacial orientation and how language plays a key if not controlling role in that. Read it to learn and expand your horizons, but don't expect unrealistic conclusions or explanations beyond where the field stands.

137 of 149 people found the following review helpful.
Four stars for content; minus one for Kindle deficiencies
By David M. Giltinan
The first foreign language I learned to complete fluency was German - after five years of high school German I spent a year at a German boys' boarding school. At the end of that year I was completely fluent, but noticed an odd phenomenon, that I felt like a slightly different person when I spoke German than when speaking English. Since then I've also learned Spanish to a high degree of fluency, and the same observation holds. In both cases, the main difference that I perceive has to do with humor, and the way the language I'm speaking affects my sense of humor. So I've always been interested in the extent to which language affects thought. The notion that it does is what linguists refer to as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. Belief in Sapir-Whorf reached its peak in the first half of the 20th century, but since then the notion that language affects cognition has been discredited by almost all mainstream linguists.

In "Through the Language Glass" Guy Deutscher mounts a careful, very limited defence of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. He considers three major areas - the link between language and color perception, how different languages deal with spatial orientation, and the phenomenon of differences in noun genders across different languages. His examination of the link between language and color perception is extensive and thought-provoking - he traces the development of linguistic theory on color perception from British prime minister Gladstone's commentary on the relative paucity of color terms in Homer's work, through the Berlin-Kay model (stating essentially that languages all tend to split up the color spectrum in similar ways) through very recent experiments suggesting that the existence of a particular color distinction in a language (e.g. the existence of separate terms in Russian for light and dark blue) affects the brain's ability to perceive that distinction. Deutscher's account of the evolution of linguistic theory about color perception is a tour de force of scientific writing for a general audience - it is both crystal clear and a pleasure to read.

Two factors contributed to my eventual disappointment with this book. The first is that, even after Deutscher's careful, eloquent, persuasive analysis, one's final reaction has to be a regretful "So what?" In the end, it all seems to amount to little of practical importance.

The second disappointment pertained only to the experience of reading this book on an Amazon Kindle. Reference is made throughout to a "color insert" which evidently contained several color wheels as well as up to a dozen color illustrations. This feature was completely absent from the Kindle edition, which had a severe adverse effect on the overall experience of reading this book. Obviously, this point is relevant only if you are contemplating reading the Kindle version - DON'T!

If it hadn't been for the lack of availability of key illustrations on the Kindle, I would have given the book 4 stars, but I feel obliged to deduct one because of the Kindle-related deficiencies.

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@ Free PDF The Hawk and the Dove: Paul Nitze, George Kennan, and the History of the Cold War, by Nicholas Thompson

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A brilliant and revealing biography of the two most important Americans during the Cold War era—written by the grandson of one of them

Only two Americans held positions of great influence throughout the Cold War; ironically, they were the chief advocates for the opposing strategies for winning—and surviving—that harrowing conflict. Both men came to power during World War II, reached their professional peaks during the Cold War’s most frightening moments, and fought epic political battles that spanned decades. Yet despite their very different views, Paul Nitze and George Kennan dined together, attended the weddings of each other’s children, and remained good friends all their lives.

In this masterly double biography, Nicholas Thompson brings Nitze and Kennan to vivid life. Nitze—the hawk—was a consummate insider who believed that the best way to avoid a nuclear clash was to prepare to win one. More than any other American, he was responsible for the arms race. Kennan—the dove—was a diplomat turned academic whose famous “X article” persuasively argued that we should contain the Soviet Union while waiting for it to collapse from within. For forty years, he exercised more influence on foreign affairs than any other private citizen.

As he weaves a fascinating narrative that follows these two rivals and friends from the beginning of the Cold War to its end, Thompson accomplishes something remarkable: he tells the story of our nation during the most dangerous half century in history.

• Sales Rank: #776121 in Books
• Published on: 2009-09-15
• Released on: 2009-09-15
• Original language: English
• Number of items: 1
• Dimensions: 9.53" h x 1.63" w x 6.64" l, 1.55 pounds
• Binding: Hardcover
• 416 pages

From Publishers Weekly
The cold war was a matter of personalities as well as policies. From the 1940s through the 1980s, Paul Nitze and George Kennan were central actors at opposite poles. Nitze was the hawk. In the darkest days of the nuclear arms race, he argued that the way to avoid an atomic war was to prepare to win it. Few policymakers matched either his knowledge of weaponry or his persuasive skills. Even fewer matched Nitze's ability to alienate superiors, but his talent could not be overlooked for long. George Kennan was the dove, consistently arguing that the U.S. must end its reliance on nuclear weapons, advocating forbearance in the face of provocation. He had an unusual ability to forecast events: the Sino-Soviet split, the way the cold war would eventually end. In these days of personalized polarization, the close friendship between these two men seems anomalous—but instructive. That Thompson is Nitze's grandson does not inhibit his nuanced account of two men whose common goal of serving America's interests transcended perspectives. Their mutual respect and close friendship enabled administrations to balance their contributions. That balancing in turn significantly shaped the cold war's outcome. (Sept.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review
“The book is brimming with fascinating revelations about the men and the harrowing events they steered through.” —The New York Times “In this important and astute new study, Nitze emerges as a driven patriot and Kennan as a darkly conflicted and prophetic one.”—The Washington Post “Paul Nitze and George Kennan were the yin and yang of American foreign policy. They were also the only figures deeply involved in the Cold War from beginning to end, and so they make ideal focal points for Nicholas Thompson’s lively and illuminating book.” —Newsweek  “Few men did more to shape postwar U.S. Foreign policy than Paul Nitze and George Kennan. In tracing their dueling visions of America’s role in the world, Nicholas Thompson provides a white-knuckle glimpse inside the 20th century’s most dangerous moments.” —Time Magazine  “Thoroughly engrossing … Thompson succeeds admirably in blending biography and intellectual history, painting colorful portraits of complicated men who embodied conflicting strains of American thinking about foreign policy.” —The New York Times Book Review  “The Hawk and the Dove does an inspired job of telling the story of the Cold War through the careers of two of its most interesting and important figures, who were not only present at the creation, but were each a witness—and, in Nitze’s case, a participant—in its end.” —The Washington Monthly  “Gripping, stirring … Thompson has delivered a book that’s not just a labor of love for a grandfather; it’s a vindication of a tradition of civic-republican comity that can’t be coerced but is quietly stronger, even in this polarizing, frightening time, than anything the republic’s noisier claimants have to offer.” —Talking Points Memo Cafe  “A very good new book.” —The National Review  “A lifetime of documentation combined with a personal narrative create a compelling story of two men who shared a lifetime of conflict and camaraderie.”—The Daily Beast “[An] outstanding dual biography … Excellent insights into these men and their roles in the era they helped shape.” —Booklist “The key to understanding modern American foreign policy is appreciating the complex 60-year friendship between George Kennan and Paul Nitze. Nicholas Thompson brilliantly captures their divergent personalities, clashing politics, and intellectual bonding. It is an insightful and important tale, but also a colorful and fascinating one—an intellectual buddy movie with enormous historical resonance.”—Walter Isaacson “With clarity and vigor, Nicholas Thompson has given us an engaging and insightful account of one of the great friendships of the modern age, the personal bond between Paul Nitze and George Kennan that illuminates the epochal stakes of the Cold War. This is a terrific book.”—Jon Meacham “George Kennan and Paul Nitze were the Adams and Jefferson of the Cold War. They were there for the beginning, they witnessed its course over almost half a century, and they argued with each other constantly while it was going on. But they maintained throughout a remarkable friendship, demonstrating—as few others in our time have—that it is possible to differ with civility. Nicholas Thompson’s is a fine account of that relationship, carefully researched, beautifully written, and evocatively suggestive of how much we have lost because such civility has become so rare.”—John Lewis Gaddis “With grace and a keen appreciation of human nature, Nicholas Thompson has written a revealing, moving history of the Cold War through two fascinating men.”—Evan Thomas “They say that ‘history is an argument without end.’ In Thompson’s skillful hands, this momentous argument between two old friends on the most critical issue of the last century is thus history at its best. Thompson’s judicious and delicious depiction of Nitze and Kennan will fascinate anyone who cares about the Cold War or the ways that human beings shape the future.”—Jonathan Alter “This is dual biography at its best: riveting, thought-provoking, and fair-minded throughout. Nicholas Thompson renders these two remarkable men—their ideas, their arguments, their personal passions—vividly, in three dimensions. Through the prism of this powerful rivalry, Thompson illuminates the entire Cold War era—as well as our own.”—Jeff Shesol “The Hawk and the Dove is a wonderful idea for a book, wonderfully carried out. Nicholas Thompson has used illuminating new material to present each of his protagonists in a convincing, respectful, but unsparing way. Even more valuable, he has used the interactions and tensions between Paul Nitze and George Kennan to bring much of American 20th century foreign policy to life, with human richness ever present but with the big issues clear in all their complexity.”—James Fallows “Nicholas Thompson is an exceptionally good writer and a very clear thinker; both of these talents lift up The Hawk and the Dove, an energetic, fair, revealing and highly readable account of two men whose thinking and public lives helped to define the Cold War—and whose views on the international order remain strikingly relevant to the era that has followed.”—Steve Coll

About the Author

Nicholas Thompson is an editor at Wired magazine, a fellow at the New America Foundation, and a regular contributor to CNN. He has written articles for The New York Times, The Washington Post and numerous other publications. A grandson of Paul Nitze’s, he lives in New York City with his wife and son.

Most helpful customer reviews

44 of 48 people found the following review helpful.
Playing Chicken....
By Bruce Loveitt
When I ordered a copy of this book I was a bit worried that the author is a grandson of Paul Nitze. Hmmm.....was this going to be a bit of a whitewash, overpraising Nitze while trashing Kennan? Or conversely, was Mr. Thompson going to be overly sensitive to the potential criticism and would he bend-over-backwards to be fair to Kennan at the expense of Nitze? Not to worry.....this is a fascinating, well-researched book, evenhanded in its approach and conclusions. Both men are given praise when praise is due, and criticized when necessary. One of the best things about the book is that it helps you see both men, and the Cold War itself, in shades of grey rather than in black-and-white. Despite their reputations, both men had some of the hawk and some of the dove in them. They both wanted to avoid nuclear war, they just had different ideas on the best way to achieve that goal. Although Kennan saw the Russians as people-like-us, he was a bit of an idealist and would probably have given away the farm if he had been involved in nuclear arms reduction talks. He would have been perceived as weak, and so would the United States as well. Not a good scenario when engaging in tough negotiations. On the other hand, Nitze probably was a bit too cynical and tended to demonize the Russians. This made him an overly tough negotiator and probably resulted in escalated tensions between the two countries. Both men would have been better off if they had had a bit of the other man's personality as part of their own make-up. Another fascinating thing about this book are the historical gems the author has unearthed. For example, did you know that early in his first administration Richard Nixon sent nuclear-weapon-laden bombers on an exercise where they pretended they were going to enter Russian airspace? (It was an idea cooked up with the help of Henry Kissinger, and the purpose was to make the Russians think that Nixon was a bit crazy and capable of anything. That way, they might be more flexible at the negotiating table.)....We also have the spectacle of Leonid Brezhnev being asked to "push the button" during a Soviet exercise, to launch missiles that were only equipped with dummy warheads. Brezhnev was terrified, and kept hesitating and asking his subordinates, "Are you sure the warheads are not real?".....There are also glimpses into the personal lives of the men. Both men lived to a ripe-old-age and had long, happy marriages. But Kennan was prone to depression and self-doubt and had a tendency to drink too much and engage in womanizing. Nitze seemed to be happier, but he was a workaholic. (He also had some odd ideas about staying in shape. He felt that regular exercise was bad because it was boring. He recommended periods of inactivity followed by bursts of extreme exercise...such as playing 5 sets of tennis after a long layoff. Probably not what the doctor would order but, hey, it worked for him!)....This was easily one of the best books I've read this year and I highly recommend it.

36 of 42 people found the following review helpful.
A splendid joint biography of two preeminent figures of the Cold War era
By Robert Moore
In reading history I'm often reminded of the preface to Wittgenstein's PHILOSOPHICAL INVESTIGATIONS. He wrote that his subject required him to approach the same issues from different directions, like one exploring a landscape from different approaches. Each approach reveals the subject in a new way and sheds new light on it. In the same way, the entire Cold War era is best understood by criss crossing it in a variety of ways. I also very much enjoy joint biographies. In fact, one of the best I have ever read also involved George Kennan, THE WISE MEN: SIX FRIENDS AND THE WORLD THEY MADE by Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, a marvelous joint biography of Kennan, Robert Lovett, John McCloy, Averell Harriman, Charles Bohlen, and Dean Acheson. Paul Nietzsche also featured prominently in that one. (In fact, I very strongly recommend that book to anyone who enjoys this one.)

George Kennan and Paul Nitze were two of the most emblematic figures of the Cold War. By any measure their contributions to American government were enormous. Kennan is one of the most fascinating personalities from the last half of the 20th century. He is generally considered to have had a deeper understanding of the Soviet Union than any other individual and, as Nicholas Thompson so ably explains, anticipated many of the major developments in the last decades of the past century. He prophesied in the 1940s with uncanny accuracy the eventual fate of the Soviet Union, explaining both how and why the system would eventually implode and collapse. He was one of the major architects of the Marshall Plan, one of the greatest achievements in the history of American foreign policy. And he was the author of the famous Long Telegram, which evinced an understanding of the Soviet Union. His theory of containment dominated nearly all American policy during the Cold War, even if he complained that the ways that "containment" were construed varied from his own understanding. His insight into world affairs was unsurpassed by any other foreign policy expert of the century and he had no rival in articulating his understanding. Kennan was, by any standard, a great writer. At several points in the course of his public career Kennan was able to provide a way of viewing a group of issues so as to alter public comprehension. Yet, Kennan was also something of a crank. Though he was celebrated as a hero by the Left, he held a number of not merely conservative but reactionary view. He was personally extremely conservative, especially on cultural matters. He disliked men with long hair and didn't care for social change. I suspect he hated the Beatles. Many of his beliefs -- such as the desirability of the U.S., Canada, and Great Britain unifying under a capital to be located in Canada -- were downright weird. He was often a crank. He described himself as an 18th century man and certainly he had many of the oddities of a Gibbon (whom he loved) or Samuel Johnson. I find Kennan fascinating for being so brilliant at one moment and so bizarre the next.

Nitze, who is the grandfather of the author of the book (at no point did I sense that Thompson was being kinder to his grandfather or less fair to Kennan than he ought), is a far less interesting character than Kennan. He lacked Kennan's enormous prescience and insight, and while a competent writer was not touched by genius as was Kennan. One is struck, however, by Nitze's drive and dedication and his enormous practical abilities. Nitze's two greatest contributinos were on the one hand advocating the huge arms build up that occurred in the fifties and sixties and one the other hand his work on disarmament in the seventies and eighties. I find it fascinating that while Kennan was adored by the Left and Nitze by some on the Right, Kennan held many conservative beliefs and Nitze many liberal ones. The truth is that neither fit comfortably into simple characterizations of conservative or liberal. Frankly, I find both of them more interesting for being less than predictable.

The joint biography does a splendid job of recounting most of the central foreign policy crises that occurred during the period. You get a great sense of the various personalities involved, from James Forrestal to George Marshall to Dean Acheson to George Kissinger to George Schulz to all the presidents of those years, as well as the major leaders of other countries, in particular the Soviet Union.

The book also undercuts the current ahistorical claims about the role of Ronald Reagan in ending the Cold War. This is true of any actual historical accounts of the period. Reagan's greatest role in the Cold War was in his considerable accomplishments in arms control. This may, in fact, have been the great achievement of his presidency. The book demonstrated Reagan's extremely superficial understanding of the issues surrounding nuclear weapons (while Nitze liked Reagan, he considered him incompetent on nuclear issues and had nothing but utter disdain for his Star Wars initiative). As Thompson chronicles, the Soviet Union, as Kennan had predicted, was already suffering enormously from the strain of the arms race well before Reagan was president. In 1972 Brezhnev yearned for the completion of the SALT I agreement to help ease the great strain on the Soviet economy created by the arms race. The standard argument by Reagan's fans was that he caused an escalation in the arms race, but in fact the Soviets did not increase military spending during Reagan's presidency. The strain on their economy definitely preceded Reagan. And the reason that Reagan's fans hate Kennan so much is that his work as architect of the strategy for winning the Cold War lessens Reagan's role. Kennan's strategy of containment was embraced by every American president from Truman to Bush 41, with no exceptions, and it had precisely the effect Kennan predicted. He insisted that if we resisted the Soviet Union and limited its spread by his policy of containment (though his understanding was political containment, rather than the military containment that Nitze preferred), it would collapse upon itself, which is precisely what happened. Fans of Reagan, so desperate for political reasons to give him a legacy that he does not deserve (while refusing to grant him the legacy that he does deserve, as someone who worked hard for disarmament, with some success), don't like Kennan because he undercuts the script that they have concocted for him. They are not helped by the fact that virtually no historians outside of the United States (and even then virtually no historians who are not conservative Republicans) view Reagan as having played an especially role in bringing about the end of the Cold War. Unlike George Kennan, whom they do.

I learned a great deal from reading this book. I learned a lot about the motives behind Nitze's desire for arms reduction talks. I was especially interested to learn that one reason the arms race continued on the Soviet side was the great pressure placed on the government to build more weapons by Soviet arms manufacturers. We are all too familiar with the pressure placed on American policy by the military-industrial complex that Eisenhower condemned, but one rarely gets the impression that the same was true in the Soviet Union. But Thompson shows that sometimes rockets and warheads were built simply to provide jobs and to keep the military industry going. And the book was great for taking a slightly different approach on a host of political issues. I definitely recommend this for anyone interested in world history in the last half of the twentieth century. These two men were either directly involved in or commented insightfully on nearly every important issue during that period. But book is interesting for the light it sheds on two extremely interesting public servants. And in the case of Kennan I hope that it inspires people to read some of his books. The two volumes of his MEMOIRS contains some of the finest prose writing in English since WW II. Thompson quotes from a letter to Kennan from Stalin's daughter, who urges him to isolate himself from public life and do what she believes he was born to be: a great writer. Perhaps she was right. Perhaps by gaining one of our great diplomats and public intellectuals we lost one of our greatest novelists. But we have only the life he actually lived. This fine joint biography will provide an excellent intro into the lives and work of two remarkable public servants.

16 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
Strong but Wrong v. Right but Light
By Arnold
I picked up this book because, like the author (Nitze's grandson), I too have a small, if minor, connection to Paul H. Nitze - I attended the graduate school in international affairs he established (the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies). I read the book in part out of curiosity about my school's founder, and also to learn more about the George Kennan, a man whom I had always associated with the word containment. While I am pretty familiar with World War II and Cold War history, I had never studied the careers of either of these two men.

I am glad my introduction to their lives as through Nicholas Thompson's The Hawk and the Dove: Paul Nitze, George Kennan, and the History of the Cold War. Thompson has hit upon a great idea of writing a joint biography of Kennan and Nitze. Since both had such long public careers, this book provides a great exploration of how the foreign policy establishment works. Unlike single-subject biographies, it does not chronicle the remarkable life of one man, but rather shows two very different career paths - Kennan the intellectual and Nitze the insider. The contrast demonstrates much more about the successes and failures of foreign policy establishment than most memoirs and the penultimate dilemma in foreign policy - marrying intellectual insight with bureaucratic competence. I have noticed this very frequently even in my own dealings at SAIS - experts in certain countries disagreeing with international relations theorists, etc. For example, Nitze comes across as an insider able to master the details of weapons systems, but with little understanding of the USSR or history. By contrast Kennan understood the fears and goals of the Soviet leadership (even correctly predicting how the USSR would collapse), but had little sense of how to influence the bureaucracy or win government appointments. Had Nitze had Kennan's insights into the USSR, he probably would have advocated radically different policies. Had Kennan been able to work the bureaucracy and key politicians like Nitze, Kennan's policies might have held more sway during the Cold War. Unfortunately, very few individuals combine the strengths of both men, and it is only through joint biographies such as The Hawk and the Dove that we can really appreciate each set of skills and how the successful foreign policy wonk needs both.

Unlike a memoir, this book emphasizes their failures as well as successes. Both men sought, but never achieved, the highest positions in foreign policy circles - Nitze because he annoyed superiors, Kennan because he never lobbied them. Both were wrong on certain key issues (and admirably, Thompson does not spare his grandfather Nitze from criticism). For example, Nitze believed the Soviet leadership increased its weapons systems because it was less concerned about nuclear war (in fact, many systems were purchased to satisfy the Soviet arms industry, and Brezhnev was deathly afraid of nuclear war). Kennan was probably more often correct on the big foreign policy issues, but did not understand the American people or politics. At times, he privately advocated benevolent dictatorship and limited segregation. He also suffered from bouts of depression, which limited his ability to persevere in government. Ultimately - and refreshingly - Thompson's The Hawk and the Dove is not the story of unalloyed success, but rather a more complete and realistic picture of life in the foreign policy establishment.

Finally, if you haven't yet become familiar with Cold War history, The Hawk and the Dove is not a bad place to start. Since the career of these two public servants spanned the end of World War II and the entire Cold War, the book touches upon most of the key debates in U.S. foreign policy since the end of World War II. It explains the viewpoints of both Kennan and Nitze (often representing opposite ends of the political spectrum) and the rationales for each policy. It provides enough background for uninitiated readers, but the discussion is sophisticated enough not to bore people like myself with an MA in international affairs.

I was pleasantly surprised with how much I enjoyed this book. I really appreciate its honest depictions of these two men. As an aspiring expert in international relations, I prefer to read about real men like Kennan and Nitze whose lives I could try to emulate, rather than larger-than-life icons like Kissinger. Hopefully, you'll also be able to relate to and respect these two legends after reading The Hawk and the Dove.

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