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In his pathbreaking Resource Wars, world security expert Michael Klare alerted us to the role of resources in conflicts in the post-cold-war world. Now, in Blood and Oil, he concentrates on a single precious commodity, petroleum, while issuing a warning to the United States―its most powerful, and most dependent, global consumer.
Since September 11 and the commencement of the "war on terror," the world's attention has been focused on the relationship between U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East and the oceans of crude oil that lie beneath the region's soil. Klare traces oil's impact on international affairs since World War II, revealing its influence on the Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter doctrines. He shows how America's own wells are drying up as our demand increases; by 2010 the United States will need to import 60 percent of its oil. And since most of this supply will have to come from chronically unstable, often violently anti-American zones―the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea, Latin America, and Africa―our dependency is bound to lead to recurrent military involvement.
With clarity and urgency, Blood and Oil delineates the United States' predicament and cautions that it is time to change our energy policies, before we spend the next decades paying for oil with blood.
- Sales Rank: #952013 in Books
- Published on: 2005-08-01
- Released on: 2005-07-14
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .67" w x 5.50" l, .61 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 304 pages
From Publishers Weekly
The world's rapidly growing economy is dependent on oil, the supply is running out and the U.S. and other great powers are engaged in an escalating game of brinkmanship to secure its continued free flow. Such is the premise of Klare's powerful and brilliant new book (following Resource Wars). The U.S.—with less than 5% of the world's total population—consumes about 25% of the world's total supply of oil, he argues. With no meaningful conservation being attempted, Klare sees the nation's energy behavior dominated by four key trends: "an increasing need for imported oil; a pronounced shift toward unstable and unfriendly suppliers in dangerous parts of the world; a greater risk of anti-American or civil violence; and increased competition for what will likely be a diminishing supply pool." In clear, lucid prose, Klare lays out a disheartening and damning indictment of U.S. foreign policy. From the waning days of WWII, when Franklin Roosevelt gave legitimacy to the autocratic Saudi royalty, to the current conflict in Iraq, Klare painstakingly describes a nation controlled by its unquenchable thirst for oil. Rather than setting out a strategy for energy independence, he finds a roadmap for further U.S. dependence on imported oil, more exposure for the U.S. military overseas and, as a result, less safety for Americans at home and abroad. While Klare offers some positive suggestions for solving the problem, in tone and detail this work sounds a dire warning about the future of the world. Illus.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
Agreeing with the premise of "No Blood for Oil" placards, a college professor of international affairs here explains why he thinks the current Bush administration is a disaster on energy and foreign policy. In brief, Klare disputes the contention of the administration's 2001 National Energy Policy (NEP)--the document in the news less for its contents than for litigation against its sponsor, Vice President Richard Cheney--that the U.S. can foster increases in the global production of oil. This work is valuable for ventilating what the NEP says (which mass media rarely do), albeit for the purpose of shooting its arguments down. The NEP's thesis is that the U.S. must diversify its foreign sources of oil, importing more from the Caspian Sea, West Africa, and South America and less from the Persian Gulf. Systematically analyzing these areas, Klare dismisses the diversification strategy and promotes his solution to the foreign-oil dilemma: reducing consumption by sharply increasing fuel taxes. Although it is anti-Bush, this book will better engage readers interested in policy than those seeking polemics. Gilbert Taylor
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Review
“A thoughtful and well-researched history of oil and geopolitics . . . Mr. Klare provides a service when he puts America's close ties with Saudi Arabia in a historical context.” ―The Economist
“A steady poli-sci elaboration of U.S. foreign policy of the past 60 years as viewed through the lens of oil . . . [Blood and Oil] is elaborately sourced [and] dismayingly convincing.” ―Lisa Margonelli, San Francisco Chronicle
“Michael Klare's Blood and Oil is the best book among the recent outpouring of studies on oil and world affairs. I am using it in three classes this semester. Indeed, it is a model of how to research and write contemporary history. Carefully researched, convincingly argued, and clearly written, it shows how oil's role in American society and politics influences U.S. relations with the rest of the world. Blood and Oil is essential reading for anyone concerned about the sources and dynamics of U.S. foreign policy.” ―David Painter, Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University
“Donald Rumsfeld famously declared that the Iraq War 'has nothing to do with oil, literally nothing to do with oil.' Nonsense, demonstrates Michael Klare, in Blood and Oil, a compelling new assessment of America's bet on Middle Eastern oil as the lifeblood of the U.S. economy. Klare's mastery of the interplay of natural resources and conflict is unrivaled, and his new study is timely and vitally important.” ―Jeffrey D. Sachs, Director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University
“Blood and Oil throws into sharp relief the political and social dimensions of the most important problem of our times. Reasoned and readable, it sketches out the terrible consequences of our nation's immense and growing addiction to petroleum. This is an important book.” ―David Goodstein, author of Out of Gas
“You don't have to be a conspiracy theorist or a Michael Moore enthusiast to think that Donald Rumsfeld and his colleagues in the Bush administration are being disingenuous when they declare that the war in Iraq is not about oil . . . Klare, a professor of peace and world-security studies at Hampshire College and defense correspondent for The Nation, suggests that the United States has never resolved the inherent tension between our need for assured supplies of petroleum to keep the economy cooking and our growing reliance on overseas sources of that oil, especially from areas, like the Persian Gulf, that have a long and continuing history of instability . . . But the questions [raised in this book] transcend approval or disapproval of any one administration, and go to the core of whether any country can--purposefully and without vast disruptions--make the transition from an economy dependent on one finite resource to an economy based on renewable, nonpolluting resources . . . [Klare notes that] such a transition would be difficult in the best of times, and that these are not the best of times . . . Klare [also argues that] the Bush administration's war on terrorism, the impulse of its neoconservative supporters to spread 'democracy' to the Middle East, and our desperate need for stable supplies of oil have merged into a single strategy--one that will commit us to maintaining military forces in many parts of the world and to using those forces to protect oil fields and supply routes. 'It is getting hard,' he writes, 'to distinguish U.S. military operations designed to fight terrorism from those designed to protect energy assets' . . . We are headed into uncharted territory, led by a government that seems prepared to use force, when necessary, to preserve the current system. We face growing competition from other countries for a finite resource at a time of growing animosity toward the United States.” ―Malcolm G. Scully, The Chronicle of Higher Education
“The rapid increase in the price of gasoline is a direct result of the failure of the U.S. to develop a realistic energy policy. As Michael Klare demonstrates in this provocative new book, we will continue to pay high prices and use military force unless we reduce our dependence on oil from the Middle East. A must read for Americans concerned about national security and economic growth.” ―Lawrence Korb, Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress and former Assistant Secretary of Defense
“Incisive and accurate . . . From our gluttonous demand for fuel to power our automobiles to the activities of Centcom in the Persian Gulf, Blood and Oil is the most comprehensive, up-to-date analysis of America's military-petroleum complex.” ―Chalmers Johnson, author of The Sorrows of Empire
“Oil, says Michael Klare, makes us strong, but dependency makes us weak. His clear, informed, and troubling diagnosis of America's greatest addiction comes as oil's rising cost in blood and treasure requires us to understand the greater perils to come. Blood and Oil proves that oil's substitutes--and especially their efficient use--are an even greater bargain than they look. Too much time has already been wasted on denial. America's security, power, and freedom now turn on our choice.” ―Amory B. Lovins, Cofounder and CEO, Rocky Mountain Institute
“Compelling and insightful . . . U.S. dependence on oil is not something that can be dealt with 'down the road,' Klare posits. He offers thoughtful solutions that, while expensive, are essential to escape compromising the principles of American policy. This powerful book forecasts that if we do not change the paradigm, the flow of blood will continue unabated while a dwindling supply of oil will threaten powerful and weak nations alike.” ―H. C. Stackpole, Lieutenant General, USMC (ret.)
“The world's rapidly growing economy is dependent on oil, the supply is running out and the U.S. and other great powers are engaged in an escalating game of brinkmanship to secure its continued free flow. Such is the premise of Klare's powerful and brilliant new book (following Resource Wars). The U.S.--with less than 5% of the world's total population--consumes about 25% of the world's total supply of oil, he argues. With no meaningful conservation being attempted, Klare sees the nation's energy behavior dominated by four key trends: 'an increasing need for imported oil; a pronounced shift toward unstable and unfriendly suppliers in dangerous parts of the world; a greater risk of anti-American or civil violence; and increased competition for what will likely be a diminishing supply pool.' In clear, lucid prose, Klare lays out a disheartening and damning indictment of U.S. foreign policy. From the waning days of WWII, when Franklin Roosevelt gave legitimacy to the autocratic Saudi royalty, to the current conflict in Iraq, Klare painstakingly describes a nation controlled by its unquenchable thirst for oil. Rather than setting out a strategy for energy independence, he finds a roadmap for further U.S. dependence on imported oil, more exposure for the U.S. military overseas and, as a result, less safety for Americans at home and abroad. While Klare offers some positive suggestions for solving the problem, in tone and detail this work sounds a dire warning about the future of the world.” ―Publishers Weekly (starred review)
Most helpful customer reviews
9 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Blood and Oil; that says it all
By Joshua Christofferson
Samuel P. Huntington's influential 1993 Foreign Affairs article, "A Clash of Civilization?" claimed that the current conflicts and tensions between Arab states and the rest of the world were due to cultural differences; that ethnic, religious, clan and tribal ideologies inherently clashed with the West. But as Klare has come to conclude, the conflicts arise not out of simple cultural conflicts, but out of resources: oil. Klare agrees that such conflicts as Bosnia, Kashmir, and Chechnya bear out Huntinton's theory, but many other minor or less deadly conflicts negate that theory. Klare points out that America's partnership with such uncompromisingly Muslim states such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in the 1991 war with Iraq seem to point to another cause. If this were simply about cultural differences, how is it that the West is able to create alliances with certain Arab states that are most definitely in direct opposition to US culture?
Klare comes to the conclusion that the current Arab conflicts are based on oil for a number of reasons, but primarily because oil is a resource that is vital to US strength, and therefore vital for the US to secure at all costs. The equation is simple: no oil, no US. Klare notes that war over oil, a scarce resource, is plausible because of other numerous wars in which scarce or highly-prized resources were desired: Angola and Sierra Leone - control of the diamond fields; the Congo - gold and copper; in Borneo and Cambodia - timber. All of these wars were over the claim of natural resources valuable to the various countries involved. So are we any different? Klare connects the obvious dots that illuminate US intervention in the middle-east (and around the world) is simply security of oil. The exportation of democracy may be a welcome byproduct or tool for securing oil, but oil is the beginning and end of many of these conflicts as Klare points out.
The next hotbed of hostility, says Klare, is the Caspian Sea basin. This area is said to have untold reserves of both oil and natural gas (see "Crude Politics" review for more details on the quest for oil in the Caspian Sea basin: [...] The problem the US will now face is three-fold, says Klare: Islamic separatists in surrounding areas (Georgia, Chechnya, etc) will provide more of the same problems faced in other Middle Eastern counties; Russia's equal interest in the rich oil supplies; and China's growing need for oil. The Islamic separatists are an obvious problem that the US will be mired in for certain. As for Russia, the US relations with Putin have been very hostile surrounding pre and post 9/11 issues, says Klare. And China is in desperate need to secure oil to its booming economy. Basically, three world powers all vying for the same oil-rich country cannot yield a peaceful result. Throw in the Islamicists, and you have a situation far worse than anything we have currently seen in previous Middle-Eastern conflicts, says Klare.
Overall, the problem of oil security is simple: the US will double or triple its oil consumption in the next 20 years. In order to satisfy this consumption, the US will need to dominate ALL of the oil-rich resources of the world. Since there are many other world powers inevitably faced with the same need for oil, military might is likely the only viable option to secure the flow of oil into US hands. As we have seen, says Klare, military dominance is already becoming exponentially expensive, dangerous, and difficult. Add the need for more oil that the world doesn't have and can't produce, add Russia requiring equal dominance, add China needing that same oil, and add Islamic separatist instability to the problem and one can quickly asses that it will be a battle that is neither cheap, easy, nor quick.
Klare does not pretend that the solution is as simple as ceasing consumption of foreign oil. Even if we tap all of our domestic and friendly oil reserves, US consumption will demand far more than these reserves could possibly provide. In order to reduce the threat of global conflict in the next 20 years, Klare suggests a major overhaul of US energy usage as the only viable option.
These solutions may be obvious, but not easy, says Klare. As Klare sees it, our only choices are more bloodshed over oil (which is certain to escalate, not plummet), or oil independence (a postpetroleum nation). The choice is obvious in my eyes. As more nations vie for oil-rich areas, and as more terrorists are formed due to civil unrest as a result of our intervention over oil, the only choice is energy independence.
12 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Where's Peak Oil amid the "Blood & Oil"?
By Dick_Burkhart
This book is an update of Klare's 2001 book "Resource Wars", featuring a detailed history of the US "geo-politics" of oil in the Middle East. Russia and China play supporting roles as sparring partners for this oil. The greatest threat to peace is escalation of these conflicts as the competition for supplies intensifies.
Although Klare alludes to Peak Oil, he shows a strange lack of awareness of some of its implications and associated research. For example, he cites the official projections for oil demand by 2020 that guided by Bush-Cheney National Energy Plan. Yet he fails to note that these figures are radically wrong, since Peak Oil is likely by the end of this decade, in fact within a year or two if geologists Deffeyes and Campbell are right. Some people in the US government and among its energy advisors are certainly aware of this. Are these people being simply ignored or is there a hidden plan to deal with the impending crisis?
It is obvious that the US plan of "maximum extraction", even if successful, would only postpone the crisis for a few years. Klare explains in some detail why this strategy is likely to fail. Certainly it has so far. Not that the failure in Iraq has deterred Bush, since preparations seem to be underway for actions against Iran.
Klare also uses official figures for proven oil reserves, though these are highly suspect for the Middle East. More realistic estimates are given by Colin Campbell in the April, 2005, ASPO newsletter ([...] Saudi Arabia - 145 Gb, Kuwait - 52, Iraq - 62, Iran - 70, Abu Dhabai - 46). These much lower figures make it even more clear why the Bush-Cheney strategy is doomed.
Klare explains how the US plan attempts to hedge against problems in the Middle East by diversifying to other areas, such as the Caspian Sea, Latin America, and West Africa. The strategy is to use US diplomatic and military power to open key areas to US oil companies. Yet these areas, in addition to substantially lower reserves, have their own instabilities and obstacles. Not surprisingly this strategy has also yielded little so far. However Klare's math suffers a bit here, where he implies on p. 121 that there will be a net decline in exportable energy from a region when the increase in consumption exceeds the increase in production. However if, at present, consumption is only a fraction of production, then even a large percentage increase in consumption can be covered by a much smaller percentage increase in production. Fortunately this makes no difference since the DOE-projected increases in production and consumption by 2025 are certainly wrong.
In summary Klare makes it very clear why and how Bush & Cheney have committed the US to any every deepening cycle of imperial maneuvers and warfare. Yet his failure to fully grasp Peak Oil means that there is no analysis of how this dynamic might change US strategy when the reality of soaring oil prices begins to sink in. The International Energy Agency is already talking about the need to plan for restraining oil consumption if prices continue upward. The overwhelming costs over the next few years in devalued dollars, as well as blood, may force even the most oil-addicted conspirators to come up with a new strategy.
17 of 38 people found the following review helpful.
Perhaps a Kerry Campaign Speech?
By J. Chiang
Background:
I am a graduate student of energy economics and international business in one of the most important oil cities in the world. I have devoted the past four years to understand energy at all levels of society, especially in developing economies. If you don't want to read the entire review, skip to the end for the conclusions.
My review:
Mr. Klare tries very hard to paint a malodorous picture of America's dependence on oil by implying that through war and terrorism American oil policy costs lives. No data is given about how many lives were lost as a result of oil-related conflicts. This leaves the reader to wonder just how many lives are lost relative to other causes of death such as `infectious diseases' or `genocide.'
My largest complaint about the book is that the author only devotes two paragraphs to economic opportunity cost (p. 11, and 24-25). I feel that the author would have made a much more compelling argument by actually adding up the transfers U.S. of wealth, U.S. military costs, and the costs of U.S. aid to nations that we only deal with because they have oil. This would help illustrate his argument that the real cost of oil makes us realize that we are making unsound economic choices. However, money isn't blood, and the author is after blood (especially the blood of "Vice-President Cheney and his cronies. (p. 198)")
He attempts to indict the Bush Administration for getting into bed with unsavory politicians for the sake of securing oil. However, given his own history that charts oil dependence from FDR to GWB one is hard pressed to see how the result could have been any other way. He also does very little to criticize the Clinton Administration, who had 8 years to address our energy issues but willfully choose to ignore them.
The author tries very hard to incriminate the Bush administration for failing in the specter of Foreign Policy by not advocating consumption, yet his arguments are incomplete. The author does nothing to address the social, economic, or environmental virtues of conservation. Perhaps he does so because scholars agree that increased efficiency without viable alternative sources of energy results in increased consumption, thus rendering his "fork in the road" really a circuitous route to the same end (Simil 2003 p. 320). The author then resorts to ad-hominem attacks on those who crafted the policy. He even picked up on the same trick that Paul Roberts uses: evoking the name of Enron whenever you wanted to cast suspicion on someone (or something). In the end, he beats up increased consumption while skirting the benefits of conservation or facing the reality that alternative energy sources (especially in transportation) are not ready for mass deployment (Simil 2003 ch. 6) . Are we to simply assume that conservation has no net negative effects? For the purposes of making his case, the author certainly thinks so.
On page 176-77, the author has a table enumerating arms transfers to Middle Eastern states. It is interesting that Europe accounts for the majority of those transfers, while the United States accounts for about 40%. Granted, Europe is not one, but several nations and as individual nations they cannot exert the same kind of force that the United States alone can. However, since these arms undoubtedly came from nations that have arms technology to sell (France, Germany, UK, and perhaps even the former Soviet Bloc nations) I find it interesting that Klare never explored the geo-political implications of these transfers.
Klare skirts the issue that the developing petro-states are prone to socio-political conflict because they do not have the institutions to promote a successful democracy, let alone capitalism. Since we are measuring in terms of blood, instead of money, I bet if one were to actually tally the body count of modern socio-political conflict from a lack of institutions it would make the modern oil security body count look very small.
To be fair, the author does "brainstorm" a tepid solution that most lay people would understand. However, considering how carefully the author researched and crafted his case against the Bush Administration, one is left disappointed that he refuses to give the same level of care to solving the problems he so eagerly points out leaving one to really wonder "Is this a John Kerry campaign speech?" Given the timing that the book was released and given that Klare wrote several favorable articles about John Kerry during the campaign, it is not a difficult mental exercise to make that connection.
Conclusion:
If you want to read a book about how horrible the Bush Administration and how we are all going to heck in a handbasket because of Big Oil and their cronies in the White House, this is the book for you. I would also read Paul Roberts' nearly hysterical (and factually questionable) The End of Oil as a companion to this book.
However, if you want meaningful analysis and thoughtful energy policy suggestions, this is not the book for you. For survey primer on the state of energy affairs today Vaclav Simil's Energy At the Crossroads paints a fine picture, and you can agree or disagree with his conclusions. As a history, Daniel Yergin's The Prize is the definitive resource. I have not yet read a book on energy policy that I can recommend.
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