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In this first collection of interviews since the
bestselling 9-11, our foremost intellectual activist examines crucial new questions of U.S. foreign policy
Timely, urgent, and powerfully elucidating, this important volume of previously unpublished interviews conducted by award-winning radio journalist David Barsamian features Noam Chomsky discussing America's policies in an increasingly unstable world. With his famous insight, lucidity, and redoubtable grasp of history, Chomsky offers his views on the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the doctrine of "preemptive" strikes against so-called rogue states, and the prospects of the second Bush administration, warning of the growing threat to international peace posed by the U.S. drive for domination. In his inimitable style, Chomsky also dissects the propaganda system that fabricates a mythic past and airbrushes inconvenient facts out of history.
Barsamian, recipient of the ACLU's Upton Sinclair Award for independent journalism, has conducted more interviews and radio broadcasts with Chomsky than has any other journalist. Enriched by their unique rapport, Imperial Ambitions explores topics Chomsky has never before discussed, among them the 2004 presidential campaign and election, the future of Social Security, and the increasing threat, including devastating weather patterns, of global warming. The result is an illuminating dialogue with one of the leading thinkers of our time―and a startling picture of the turbulent times in which we live.
- Sales Rank: #549260 in Books
- Published on: 2005-10-05
- Released on: 2005-09-15
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .55" w x 5.50" l, .55 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 226 pages
- Collectible
- First Edition
From Publishers Weekly
The infuriating, indispensable dean of American dissidents returns with this new collection of interviews with long-time amanuensis Barsamian. In these wide-ranging conversations, linguist and philosopher Chomsky, author of Hegemony or Survival, applies his usual left-wing critique of U.S. foreign policy to recent developments in Iraq, but also revisits American infamies stretching back to the Kosovo conflict, the Vietnam War and even the Mexican War while weighing in on domestic issues like Social Security privatization, health insurance and the rise of the Religious Right. His caustic denunciations of American "war crimes" -comparisons to Nazi Germany are never far from hand-serve up plenty of red meat for his legions of fans on the disaffected left, but the discursive, unsystematic format is not the best introduction for readers unfamiliar with his nonconformist views. One wishes Chomsky would find a more challenging interlocutor than the always-reverent Barsamian to sharpen up his thinking. His estimate of the coherence and vigor of the American imperial project seems overwrought. His analysis of the role of oil politics in the Iraq war is murky. And his portrait of the media as a quasi-Orwellian "propaganda" system brainwashing the population on behalf of the ruling elite smacks of naïve populism. Still, it's hard to dismiss Chomsky's indictment of the damage done by U.S. policies abroad, his scornful dissection of the lies and hypocrisies of those who defend them, his insistence that wealth and class interests dominate American politics, or his uncompromising attack on the thoughtless presumption of America's right to impose its will by force on other countries. A sardonic, meticulous and always bracing critic of the powers that be, Chomsky remains a must-read for any thoughtful citizen.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
From Booklist
Chomsky occasionally takes flak from both fans and critics for preferring interviews, editorials, and speeches to academic prose in articulating his political analyses of current events. Probably the consequence of articulating arguments disquieting enough to precipitate ad hominem attacks, such shots will not end with this book, which consists of nine loosely thematic conversations on familiar Chomskian themes: hegemony, propaganda, activism, peace. Barsamian (Chomsky's most dedicated interviewer) lobs more than he probes, but his questions sometimes surprise with their directness: asking the "rebel without a pause" if he feels like Sisyphus, for example. Although sold as exploring topics never before discussed, Chomsky's comments on the 2004 presidential campaign, the dismantling of Social Security, and global warming perhaps predictably return to familiar insights. But several passages prove illuminating in other, perhaps less-intentional ways, exploring Chomsky's complicated relationship with elitism and eliciting some candid connections between his intellectual politics and his upbringing. With Chomsky as accessible and compelling as always, this book is also slated to be released as an audio CD. Brendan Driscoll
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Review
“If, for reasons of chance, or circumstance, (or sloth), you have to pick just one book on the subject of the American Empire, I'd say pick this one. It's the Full Monty. It's Chomsky at his best . . . necessary reading.” ―Arundhati Roy
“How did we ever get to be an empire? The writings of Noam Chomsky--America's most useful citizen--are the best answer to that question.” ―The Boston Globe
“Unique insight into Chomsky's decades of penetrating analyses, drawn together . . . by a brilliant radio interviewer, David Barsamian.” ―Ben Bagdikian, winner of the Pulitzer Prize on Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky
Most helpful customer reviews
14 of 16 people found the following review helpful.
Should Noam Chomsky Reset his Compass?
By Bill Hughes
Recently I read "Imperial Ambitions: Conversations on the Post-9/II World," (2005, Metropolitan Books)," which contains interviews by David Barsamian with Noam Chomsky on a wide range of issues, including the Iraqi War. I was deeply disappointed with it. Not because there wasn't a lot of solid analysis in it. There was. My misgivings dealt with what was left out of the paperback. If the comedian Stephen Colbert could take on the hawkish Neocon William Kristol and his warmongering Project for the New American Century (PNAC)-a group which Kristol cofounded-why couldn't the leading Guru of the Left, also do so? In addition, Chomsky failed to mention either the repulsive Kristol or the PNAC.
Another thing missing: In Chomsky's book, the word, "Zionism," only appears once, and that is on p. 173, where he admitted that in his youth, during his Philadelphia salad days, he was "very involved in the Zionist Movement." I also noticed that the enormously powerful Israeli Lobby wasn't worth a cite at all in this paperback. Yet, we now know, thanks to the prestigious Harvard Study, that the Israeli Lobby, for over 40 years has exercised "unmatched power," which was not in the national interest, over the foreign policy of the U.S. Yet, Chomsky ignored this group completely! Why? Is this the same Chomsky, that Barsamian solemnly tells us, "sets the compass headings and describes the topography"? Barsamian goes on to say, "It is up to us to navigate the terrain...He [Chomsky] has an extraordinary power to distill and synthesize reams of information. And he misses nothing. "Really? Misses nothing! How can that be true if Chomsky missed that six ton elephant in the room of American politics: the Israeli Lobby?
When asked why the U.S. invaded Iraq, Chomsky said, at p. 6, it was about "the control of oil." Later on in the book, Chomsky cites Chalmers Johnson's tome, "Sorrows of Empire," but he doesn't tell the readers that Johnson believed that the Iraqi War was the result of the confluence of three special interests: "Big Oil," the Military Industrial Complex and the Israeli Lobby. Now, despite everything we know about Israel's role and the role of the Israeli Lobby in pushing for the Iraqi War, Chomsky insisted on stating, at p. 8, "As far as Israel is concerned, Iraq has never been much of an issue. They consider it a kind of a pushover." If the Zionists considered Iraq a "pushover," then why didn't they invade it? Isn't this the same Israel that invaded Lebanon, in 1982?
Although Chomsky co-wrote a book, called "Manufacturing Consent," about how the Establishment shapes the opinion of the masses, he didn't think about using that same kind of keen analysis in this book. In particular, with respect 9/11-neither here nor in his earlier book, entitled, "9/11," did Chomsky touch on the powerful idea that the power brokers both cause and interpret what's going on in a way that supports their agenda. This leads me to wonder: Was 9/11, too, manufactured? Did the Bush-Cheney Gang know it was coming and let it happen? Or, was it Machiavellian plot put into play by sinister intelligence agencies looking for a pretext to set the U.S. up to demonize Islam, attack Iraq and turn this country into a police state? Chomsky declines to open up that kind of necessary inquiry.
Chomsky talks a lot about "Propaganda," but he doesn't tell us who owns the biggest stake in the U.S. media market. He also make a big fuss over how corporate interests prevail over social concerns. Yet, he doesn't inform the readers the means by which the corporations, incluging huge multinationals, exercise their massive control. If you search the index of this book, you will not find any groups, for instance, such as: The Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, the Club of Rome or the Bilderbergers.
On p. 28, Chomsky admits that Israel is a "superpower," possessing "hundreds of nuclear weapons and massive armed forces." Then, he cleverly puts it all back on the U.S., labeling Israel - just "an offshore U.S. military base." Now, that's interesting, too, especially when you consider that this so-called "offshore U.S. military base" deliberately attacked the USS Liberty, on June 8, 1967, killing 34 members of its crew; bulldozed to death Olympia,WA peace activist, Rachel Corrie, in 2003; let loose that traitor Jonathan Pollard to steal our most sensitive military secrets; and since 1948, has extracted over $140 billion in aid from our national treasury. If a Mafia Boss had to pay tribute of $140 billion to someone, would he still be considered the Boss?
Jeffrey Blankfort, a gutsy critic of Chomsky's selective moralizing, particularly when it comes to his making excuses for Israel, said that because the Neocons and the Israeli Lobby have "paid no price for it [the Iraqi warmongering]...they are prepared to do the same with Iran." On Iran, Chomsky, at p. 8, said, "But Iran is a different story. Iran is a much more serious military and economic force. And for years Israel has been pressing the United States to take on Iran. Iran is `too big' for Israel to attack so they want the `big boys' to do it." Now, let's get this straight. Israel, "a superpower," according to Chomsky, which possesses tons of "nuclear weapons," (but is only as an "offshore" military base for America), wants the U.S. to take Iran down because it's "too big" for it to pull off. What a stretch this one is! How about if the inverse is true? Chomsky is big on utilizing the inverse concept in the book. Try this: Israel, the real Boss, who has extracted $140 billion from our treasury, wants its lackey, the U.S. to do its dirty work for it and attack Iran? What about that scenario, Chomsky?
Talking about Israel's nuclear weapons. There was one U.S. president who dared to oppose its nuclear weapon schemes. His name was John Fitzgerald Kennedy. We all know what happened to him in Dallas, Texas. In fact, the author Stephen Green wrote: "Perhaps the most significant development in 1963 for the Israeli nuclear weapons program... occurred on November 22 on a plane flying from Dallas to Washington, D.C. Lyndon Baines Johnson was sworn in as the 36th President of the United States, following the assassination of JFK. In the early years of the Johnson Administration, the Israeli nuclear weapons program was referred to in Washington as the `delicate topic.' Lyndon Johnson's White House's," contrary to JFK's, "saw no Dimona, [Israel's Los Alamos], heard no Dimona, and spoke no Dimona when the reactor went critical in early 1964." Green also emphasized that under the reign of LBJ, a rabid Zionist partisan, U.S. military aid to Israel also dramatically increased, reaching by then unprecedented levels of freebees, and that even more importantly, as corroborated by the scholarly Harvard Study, "Israel steadily began to act in ways that ignored U.S. national security interests." Chomsky, however, claims that Israel is merely an "offshore U.S. military base."
Chomsky also tried to smear our martyred president, JFK, for supposedly wanting to escalate the Vietnam War. The truth is that Kennedy wanted a withdrawal of U.S. troops, whether military conditions allowed it or not, and issued, on Oct. 11, 1963, "NSAM 263" to that effect. Johnson, with strong ties to the Military Industrial Complex, immediately reversed that policy after taking power. The author Peter Dale Scott, in his book, "Deep Politics and the Death of JFK," took Chomsky to task for his badly-flawed analysis of JFK's intentions, calling it, a theory that "assumes the continuity of a mind-set that he is trying to prove."
Another topic in this book, which I found irritating, dealt also with the issue of Iraq. Chomsky pontificated, at p. 2, "The new doctrine was not one of preemptive war...The U.S. will rule the world by force, and if there is any challenge to its domination...[it] will have the right to destroy that challenge before it becomes a threat. That's preventive war, not preemptive war." Well, I'm sure that Paul Wolfowitz, the prime architect of the "Preemption Doctrine," along with Dick Cheney, another flaming Neocon, are going to feel off the hook after reading that one. Chomsky said the "preventive war" idea goes back to diplomat Dean Acheson, in 1963, which is of course, far removed from those crafty Neocons.
In another odd twist, Chomsky quotes a poll that was taken in Iraq where Iraqis were asked, why they thought their country was invaded. Seventy percent, at p. 79, said, "The goal was to take over Iraq's resources and to reorganize the Middle East. They agreed with Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz..." Now, here was a point in the book, where Chomsky could have easily added his critical position, and elaborated on the Neocons', Israel's and the Israeli Lobby's roles in agitating for the war against Iraq. But, the man who "misses nothing," let it pass by. Ask yourself, "Why?"
Despite all of the above, I'm recommending this book. It has plenty of wisdom from the iconic Chomsky on matters, like: Regime Change; a new vision for the future; the need for dedicated activism; the Cult of Ronald Reagan; and rebutting the attacks on the Labor Movement, Social Security and the proposals for a Universal Health Care System. It's only on the subjects of Israel and JFK, where Chomsky's advice, at p. 32, needs to be strictly followed. He said that one is mandated in combatting propaganda to use common sense and to ask, "Where is the evidence?"
10 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
Not the best introduction, nor is there much new material here.
By Eric Bryant
You have to love many of the Amazon-supported 'professional' reviews of Chomsky's books. "Conspiracy theories." "Hatred of America." "Comparisons to Nazi Germany always close at hand." "Naive populism." Should have worked a little harder in your undergraduate political science classes, guys. Well, I suppose in their long-paragraph reviews it's hard to argue meaningfully against the critical arguments he has constructed in other works against corporatized media. They certainly can't concede that he quotes just about everyone in his attempt to form far-reaching analyses. That would be too much. Democrat-type and Republican-type authors receive much better treatment, more or less giving credence to Chomsky's claims that we live in a surprisingly monolithic nation-state where it doesn't pay to be different or to have your own opinion. Also, it's always better to be a freshman news anchor or editorialist than a seasoned dissident academic if you want people to listen to your views. You can have one of two opinions, or else you are a crazy conspiracy theorist. Thank you Publishers Weekly for helping to make Chomsky's point.
Regardless of my reasonably high regard for Chomsky as an important voice of American dissent, I would say this is one of his lesser works. The booklist review states it better than publishers weekly; Chomsky's editorializing and interviews are RARELY anywhere near the quality of his academic analyses. Thus they are a poor introduction; he never states the assumptions that are so hard to prove in a short time, such as the complicity of private media and the surprisingly small ideological space separating Republicans and Democrats. If you're already well-informed about the arguments, you can see where he is going. If you're new to Chomsky or dissident literature generally, you're not going to pick up much. Which would explain all the cries of "anti-American." Not understanding Chomsky's views will make those cries almost make sense, at least until you consider that anyone accusing a native-born American citizen of being "anti-American" must have been dropped on their head as a child. Also, if an American politician says "we are right and anyone who disagrees will be bombed into the stone age," I think we can all be forgiven for pointing out that Hitler or Stalin would have said the exact same thing.
Barsamian is not a challenging interviewer, already a Chomsky true believer. It almost seems as if they're sometimes wink-wink nudge-nudging each other, rehashing old jokes about the ridiculousness of mainstream political commentary or other weird imperial artifacts. Also, he doesn't cover very much that is new in this edition; anyone who has read 9/11 and hegemony and survival will be familiar with 90% of the material. Anyone who's read a significant number of Chomsky interviews will notice that he often gets asked the same questions, and not surprisingly cites the same or similar evidence in taking a stance that is familiar to him.
Basically, I think Chomsky is one of the most important political commentators around. You should definitely read his books, and I hate to give this book even 3 stars considering it's way better than most of the political claptrap being published these days. But this is not his best work, whether you are a die-hard dissident academic or an average person having suddenly become suspicious that there's something seriously going wrong in our American republic. There is something very dangerous about the new American system of elitism, imperialism, unitary belief, and stifling of dissent and free speech. But this is not Chomsky's most eloquent critique of that system.
6 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Chomsky relentlessly speaks truth to power
By Chris
Chomsky observes that U.S. pronouncements on terrorism fall apart when contemplating such facts as that Cuban exile terrorists are roaming free in this country. Orlando Bosch helped instigate the blowing up a Cubana airliner in 1976, killing 73 people. The Justice Department wanted him for a bunch of other terrorist actions on U.S. soil and warned he was a threat to U.S. national security. But at the beginning of the 90's, when Bosch returned to the U.S., Jeb Bush at the behest of his wonderful friends in the Cuban exile establishment, convinced his father President Bush I to grant Bosch a pardon. The U.S. of course started supporting exile terror attacks against Cuba after Castro took power and Kennedy's terror campaign called Operation Mongoose provided justification for the USSR to send missiles to Cuba. Luis Posada Carilles and others continued to oversee terror attacks against Cuban civilian instillations until at least the late 90's with U.S. toleration thought without its active support. Chomsky outlines the case of the "Cuban Five" who are languishing in U.S. jails after infiltrating exile groups to gather info on future terror attacks on Cuba.
Then there is Emanuel Constant, leader of the Haitian death squad FRAPH, who helped kill probably about five thousand people in Haiti in the early 90's. He resides in Queens New York, because the U.S. refused extradition requests for him when Aristide was in power. Chomsky also notes that two Venezuelan generals who took part in the short-lived coup against Hugo Chavez in April 2002 are in the U.S. seeking asylum after being accused in their country of being involved in a plot to set off bombs in Caracas. They had been set free by the Venezuelan judicial system,which is controlled by the Venezuelan ruling class and were not molested by the government of Chavez which they were attempting to overthrow and probably kill its members.
Shortly after Bush's Neocon NSS was released the U.S. Air Force Space Command released a report which explained that the U.S. would move from having "control" of Outer Space to "ownership" of it. Any country which might attempt to challenge U.S. "ownership" of Space will be destroyed according to this document. The Bush administration has set off an extremely dangerous arms race. Its so-called Missile Defense, the Star Wars, is actually an offensive weapon in the sense that it (if it ever works) will prevent retaliation by a country attacked by the U.S.. All of this is of course is leading Russia and China to upgrade their conventional and non-conventional forces to counter U.S. upgrades and to invest heavily in Space related military technology. Russia's very fragile command and control systems are now set on "launch on warning" i.e. computer directed. These computer systems interpreted a scientific missile launch in Norway in 1995 as the first strike of an attack on Russia and they went into action before Boris Yeltsin halted them. Similarly dangerous Chomsky points out, is the U.S. encirclement of Iran with military bases in Central Asia, Iraq, Turkey and elsewhere. Ten percent of the Israeli air force, he writes, has been for several years flying reconnaissance missions from Turkey to Iranian border areas. It is rumored, he writes, that the U.S., Turkey and Israel have been trying to start dismantling Iran by covertly fomenting Azeri nationalism in the North of the country.
Chomsky quotes the prominent historian John Lewis Gaddis as approvingly endorsing Bush's Iraq war, comparing it to John Quincy Adam's and Andrew Jackson's "conquest" of Florida in 1818. Of course Chomsky notes, Gaddis did not quote from the scholarship he, Gaddis used, that that conquest involved genocidal war on Florida Indians, using the justification that then Spanish Florida was being used as an attack on the U.S. by Indians and as a haven for runaway black slaves. The Indians attacking the U.S. from Florida were being attacked by white settlers who had driven them off their land in Georgia and wanted to exterminate them. Gaddis actually calls Florida at this time a "failed state" that the U.S. had to take over. In another area, Chomsky notes, the effects of U.S. chemical warfare in South Vietnam are sometimes alluded to, as in a New York Times article by Barbara Crossette in the early 90's. That writer observed that the hundreds of thousands of victims continuing to die hideous deaths from cancers and birth deformities and the untold numbers of dead fetuses,a result of the U.S. dumping Agent Orange all over South Vietnam, could provide an interesting scientific study of the effects of dioxin. Obviously any thought of massive reparations for this crime is out of the question, nor for the overall crime of what Bernard Fall the right wing military analyst anguished about in 1967 as he wrote that Vietnam as a historical and cultural entity was threatened with extinction as its countryside was dying under the blows of U.S. bombs. Similarly for U.S. bombing of Cambodia, where Kissinger it was recently revealed to no comment in the mainstream media, transmitted orders from Nixon to the Pentagon to the effect that anything that moves in Cambodia should be bombed. In late 2004, the New York Times on its front page reported that U.S. forces in Fallujah had invaded the main hospital in the country and forced its patients and doctors to lie on the floor shackled. The hospital was invaded because U.S. forces claimed that it was "inflating" casualties from the attack, which apparently the Times found to be a legitimate reason given that our holy government proclaimed it to be so. That Fallujah hospital invasion is a major war crime according to the Geneva conventions. The Times also ran a tiny story this time actually using the term "possible" war crime in describing U.S. forces turning back male refugees from Fallujah back into the battle zone while allowing women and children to flee. The military was apparently using the same logic of the Bosnian Serbs at Srebrenica in 1995, hoping to kill as many males as possible so that potential male fighters could be eliminated.
The Democrat Clinton bombed the Sudan in 1998, which greatly spurred recruitment for Al Qaeda Chomsky writes, destroying a plant producing most of the medicine and veterinary products for that country. The few people who have looked into the effects of this crime have written that as one might predict, tens of thousands of Sudanese have died. But no powerful person really cares to look further.
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